INDEX

I. The Town

II. Change in Economic Ethos

II.1 The Corporate Community in the "Period of Exploitation" Pre-1981

II.2 Violence 1981-82

II.3 From the Coast to the North

II.3. (1) The Organization of Violence

II.3. (2) Political and Economic Results of the Violence

II.3. (3) Resurgence of Economic Activity

II.4 Transformations

III. Conclusion - The Involution of Violence

I. The Town

This study took place in a small indigenous town located in a mountainous region of the Guatemalan highlands. The town is a tourist area noted in guidebooks that are produced in Europe, the United States, as and Japan. According to these books, not only is the landscape in the area exceptional, but the community strongly embraces traditional customs. The people are open and for the most part friendly toward foreigners. Tourists to the region are often amazed at the enthusiasm residents express in creating ties with foreigners.

Records of the town exist from the time of Spanish colonization. It is chronicled that John Lloyd Stephen, the famous North American traveler, passed through the area in the 1840's. Earlier ethnographic research began with studies by North American anthropologists concerning the production of corn in the area during the 1930s, and then covered traditional religion in 1945-46 (Oakes 1951).

I conducted research on handicraft production and tourism in this town for a period of two months in 1996 (Ikeda 1997). I still have a strong impression of the words I often heard in my conversations with people during this study, "Nowadays competition is so fierce," (Hoy hay mucha competencia). These words are particularly apt as a symbol of the journey of a community that has "chosen progress" and has been swept up in the wave of modernization and capitalism. This town, like many others in Guatemala and southern Mexico (the Yucatan Peninsula and Chiapas), seems to be caught in the stormy sea of cultural transformation. Like many ethnographers, rather than getting lost in a quagmire of terminology, I want to use this opportunity to the draw reader's attention to the unique qualities of our field and to illustrate it's connections to common, general issues that we all face.

This study is a commentary on diachronic changes of the economic ethos of the people. In particular I want to point out that the fabric of the society has fundamentally changed as the area was caught in a disturbance due to guerrilla and government military insurgencies over two year period beginning in 1981. I generated this hypothesis out of people's everyday stories that are colored by the memory of that violence. Listening to these stories, I felt the sensed that the violence has had a lasting impact on local (subjective) interpretations of culture change. To substantiate that this impression is not merely an abstraction, it is necessary to confirm and compile stories based on fact. This paper marks the beginning of these efforts2.

II. Change in Economic Ethos

In the following, I consider the symbolic meaning of violence and the impact that this has had on local (emic) interpretations of cultural transformations since 1981. While focusing in particular on how people approach and think about economics, I take a close look at the ways that the constructed meanings of violence are connected to the economic ethos of the town. I begin by providing my own interpretation of the town's economic ethos during three different periods: (i) pre-1981, (ii)1981-82, and (iii) 1983 and after.

II.1 The Corporate Community in the "Period of Exploitation," Pre-1981

Land has traditionally served as the source of wealth in this town. As such, people's attitude toward production during this period had typically been land-centered. Fertility of the land meant its ability to produce corn. Owning land meant raising corn, and the size of the milpa determined one's wealth. Most ethnographies written on traditional, small farmers in Central America discuss corn production as being at the center of local economic activity and values. Corn fields, or milpa, did not simply yield the population's staple food. The cycle of agricultural labor throughout the year provided a rhythm to their lifestyle. Religious beliefs centering on local deities that control agricultural production informed the moral foundation of society.

The local area has a sloping geography made up of narrow mountain valleys. Currently, the landscape is planted with a variety of agricultural products in addition to corn. In the past it was commonly believed that, with proper care, the land would always provide. Once soil lost its fertility, new areas were cultivated and the fallow land became pasture for sheep and other livestock. Land lying fallow or used for pasture would recover after a few years and could possibly be used again as milpa.

According to this system of production, those owning and cultivating more land could accumulate greater wealth. It is claimed, however, that the cofrad_a, or traditional religious brotherhood, held the key to leveling the imbalance in wealth that this system tends to create. In the Highlands Chiapas of Mexico, traditional religious brotherhoods such as the cofrad_a organize religious and political activities of the community through what has been commonly referred to as a "cargo system." The cofrad_a organization is largely run by adult males. A rigid hierarchy is applied to various responsibilities (cargos) that each member of the organization is expected to carry out. As members rise in rank within the cofrad_a, their status in society also increases. However, in order for this to happen, participants must successfully attend to all of the duties prescribed by their rank in the cofrad_a association. Most duties include contributions of alcohol and food to various festivals. However, from an economic perspective, this has also been viewed as a way of redistributing wealth in the community. It is commonly thought that men with economic power can easily ascend through the ranks within the cofrad_a. In actuality, age and other factors are involved in ranking, along with various restrictive ceremonial matters. The correlation between economics and power is not so simple, rather, it is a more complex dialectical process centered on moral behavior. When the cofrad_a holds important meaning and power in community life, it possesses the function of redistributing wealth within the community (Cancian 1992). Sheldon Annis (1987) has referred to the above economic ideology, based on subsistence production and landholding, as "milpa logic." Of course, milpa logic is an ideal model. Let us see how the concept applies to the people of this town.

Mayan culture, as it pertains to economic activity, is never static. Various economic activities correspond with different economic situations. Differentiation lies in the size of one's landholding. Various "classes" are formed based on the amount of land owned. However, these "classes" are difficult to distinguish as separate categories. For the people in this region, no real system of class division exists. Those lacking enough land to be self-sufficient inevitably become sharecroppers or wage laborers. The roots of seasonal labor migration from this area, and its consequences, have been documented in earlier ethnographic research. Small holders and debtors, including those who need cash for festival expenses, have spent several months per year picking cotton or cutting sugar cane for a pittance in the plantations of the Pacific coast in southwestern Guatemala to accumulate enough money to pay debts and buy food. After 1970, many families also began to migrate southward to live on coffee plantations in the San Marcos region. In this case, workers were brought in as contract labor with wages paid in advance.

[Labor migration through the 1970s] (C.J., age 58, Indian, male)3 Each village and town has a caporal4. This person leads the laborers and has a stable relationship with the plantation owner, or patron. He usually lives in the village or town. When the patron wants to gather laborers, he contacts the caporal. Caporales go to plantations, when requests arise, to meet with patrons to determine the manpower needed. The caporal then returns to the towns to recruit laborers, who work by jornal (day labor), and to establish a labor agreement with them. Contracts are calculated by multiplying the number of working days needed on the plantation by the daily wage for each laborer. The caproal pays the contracts in advance, upon recruitment, and the laborers are expected to pay-off this "debt" by working in the fields. This individual payment is called habilitaci_n5. When the money is transferred, farmers are informed of the day in which their work is to begin, and the day that the truck will arrive to take them off to the plantation.

Caporales establish labor agreements when workers are needed on farms. However, in this town, labor recruitment coincides with the fiesta system. Caporales arrive in September and October when people need money before the annual titular fiesta (All Saint's Day). Once the fiesta concludes in the second week of November, trucks arrive to take them to the coastal regions. Many go together as a family, and some work on the plantations until September or November of the following year.

----Were laborers transported by bus (camioneta)? [Ikeda] No, no! They were transported in trucks (cami_n), just like livestock. Long ago, about 8 trucks would arrive and take them to work in the fields. In the final days, buses were used, but for the most part it was trucks.

This was how they were able to gather a work force. However, for the past 8 to 10 years [ca. 1986-96] workers going to coastal plantations (costa: plantations on the Pacific coast) almost disappeared. Even now few people go to plantations for work. They can now work in this town in R (geographical name), a low lying region, so it is no longer necessary to go to plantations.

Recently, we've become able to grow potatoes, onions, broccoli, and other cash crops. This has been a great help. When we were going to the plantations (costa), people did not know anything about coffee cultivation. What today are now coffee fields were all once corn fields (milpa). There were no cooperatives or classes on coffee farming. Each person learned the ropes on their own. In my case, I learned the job when I worked as an overseer at a coffee plantation. This crop will go from this town to a regional governing city, then to Guatemala, and then all over the world. Our harvest forms links like a chain throughout the world.

According to milpa logic, the inequality of wealth and accumulation produced in a given region should be leveled by the cofrad_a's fiesta activities. However, this has not been the case in most areas. More often than not, cofrad_a activities in the latter half of this century have become so overextended that participation as wage laborers in the global economy (e.g. as seasonal coffee pickers) has become essential to the maintenance of ceremonial festivals. In other words, the strength of the cofrad_a organization lies in it's regularly held observances that drive local consumption and level economic imbalances in the community. Plantation laborers not only became wage laborers to maintain their livelihood, but many returned to their homes to participate in the annual schedule of ceremonial observances involving the cofrad_a. Accordingly, at least until the middle of this century, as the cofrad_a maintained its overall structure as an autonomous civil-religious organization with an embedded economic system for ceremonial expenditure, it can be surmised that it came to level the wealth (currency) earned on outside plantations within the community. Furthermore, as local villagers turned to labor migration to solve the problem of self-sufficiency (i.e. as villagers turned "proletariat outside the village") ceremonial expenditures tended to escalate.

During this time, the market in this Indian community traded in regionally produced agricultural products and handicrafts. However, there was also a large inflow of products from outside the community, such as manufactured items. Aside from corn, the town did little exporting (shipping). The quantity being exported was nowhere close to industrialization standards. It can be estimated that wages earned on plantations constituted most of the monetary income and expenditures brought into the community from outside. Therefore, in this community, it was the currency or money from outside that allowed the standard of community ceremonial expenditure to rise.

The long-term trend of rising ceremonial expenditure of the cofrad_a, due to participation in the greater global economy, had a greater impact on local concepts of community and economics than direct economic effect. An example of this influence can be found in the rise of handicraft production and sales through local cooperatives initiated in the 1970s. The concept of mutual aid between producers of traditional textiles and a cooperative run by the poor quickly became a popular idea.

[Handicraft cooperative] (L. A., age 57, Indian, male)6 The handicraft cooperative was initiated by women in district M (Geographical name). As the first corporation for handicrafts, this cooperative was fully functioning in the beginning period, exporting products outside of the town.

However, the cooperative members (socios) were inexperienced at running the organization. To make matters worse, since A (Person's name), an employee of the cooperative, embezzled half of sales, the organization lost its ability to function normally. At this time, though I was involved in agriculture, members of the cooperative called on me to restructure the organization as A's replacement.

Before I began working at the cooperative, operations had essentially disintegrated. I wrote a letter to the government's cooperative assistance bureau and sought help from a variety of people working there. I can't remember myself if it was Sweden or Switzerland, but we received an application for assistance from the ambassador for one of those countries. I received money for travel expenses and was given the opportunity to participate in training at Chimaltenango on organizing a cooperative. At this training I first learned of the need for a cooperative representative, accountant, and director, and of the roles that each perform.

Work at the cooperative at this time involved not only gathering textiles, bags and other handicrafts and then selling them on consignment at the store, but also taking the products around and peddling. We went to Quetzaltenango, Antigua, and Guatemala, as well as Comalapa, Jacaltenango, Atitl_n, and San Juan on scheduled market days with products from this town to sell and make a profit for the cooperative.

I was so focused on work at the cooperative that I forgot about eating. I paid from by own pocket to participate in various events to learn about the cooperative. I woke at 5 a.m. to begin preparing the store. After closing and doing the books, I would stay awake into the night studying by myself. This was how, little by little, we increased the cooperative's capital and became able to purchase land to build our own store.

By this time I was traveling due to requests for consultation as other various cooperatives began to organize. I was also writing letters to overseas organizations to expand our market. As a result, in textiles, we began exporting to numerous countries.

On festival days (when many tourists and sightseers were in town, we made small fliers written in Spanish and English to distribute to the visitors. On these fliers we wrote, "Handicraft cooperative sells products made by the poor." Due to efforts such as this, our store was always overflowing.

At the end of the month, members of the cooperative would gather to collect their profit from consignment and expressed appreciation that the cooperative profits would rise each month. They brought me a variety of foods.

However, one day at a gathering of members, an error in accounting was pointed out and the person responsible sought. Though I did nothing wrong, the members did not have a good understanding of the necessary expenses, so in the end they asked for my resignation. I consented.

It is also important that management of the cooperative was carried out by the ethnic majority, Indians, rather than the minority ladinos who had a hold on power and authority in the business world at this time. In the beginning, though focused on making a profit, cooperatives also captured the moral spirit of the community. This is not so different from the organizational concept of the cofrad_a. The structure of social organization in the cofrad_a tied religion and politics together so that is was difficult to distinguish the two. At the same time, there was also a close relationship between ceremony and profit. Increasing investment and social prestige was considered unnecessary accumulation of wealth and consumption, and, according to Indians, immoral. The economic activities of ladinos were looked upon with both envy and disgust. Ladinos were under the dominion of the Catholic Church, and a great number migrated to this town from villages down the river valley. Other ladinos arrived in this town from Chiantla, a city of pilgrimage deeply connected to community festivals (a place where ladinos have long resided and once held an equivalent administrative standing with the community). Though most ladinos were Catholics, foreigners were excluded by the cofrad_a. In the mid-1970's, when the evangelical Protestant Central American Church first began proselytizing, these ladinos made up the core of their believers.

At the end of the 1950's, a branch line became operable between the town and Cuchumat_n Highland road. (The road is not yet entirely paved today.) In the mid-60s, the pass was opened to buses. Ethnologists and photographers came by horse in the 1940s in search of the town's exotic Indians. However, groups of tourists are not known to have come to this town until the late 1960s. Records can be verified during the 1970s. The tourists during this era constitute the beginning of what are called "ethnic" or "adventure" tours today. There are currently no materials available estimating the number of visitors at this time. The first hotel in town - no rooms with showers - began business in the mid-60s. The second began operating in 1968.

Confronted with the encroachment of a distinct economic culture from the outside, how have insiders perceived local conditions during this time? The Indian social outlook in this era can be represented by theories concerning this community from people in the following three categories. These theories come from (I) guerrilla extremist intellectuals, (II) the military regime, and (III) Protestants and reformist Catholics.

(I) According to statements from guerrilla extremists, Indians make up Guatemala's distinctive ethnic group and are the victims of capitalism that has developed under protection of the army. Guerrilla organizations have considered the church and capitalists, represented by ladino and gringo , who means "Caucasian" or white foreigners, to be the vanguard of the exploitative class. Indians and ladino laborers, on the other hand, are considered the victims. Stripping Marxist thought of its color, the theory that Indians are victims of economic development parallels the view that organizers and people involved in the movement took at the time the cooperative was organized to sell handicrafts. It should be noted that at this time business and transportation were under the control of the wealthy ladinos, while Indians existed simply to supply cheap labor force. It was stressed when the cooperative was formed that the handicraft cooperative was to provide an opportunity for poor people, especially for women, to become economically independent.

(II) Judging from actual events that took place in this town, the military regime's theory about the status of Indians is based on expanding racism embraced by members of the military regime. Form the official army point of view, Indians are a people who, left out of modernization, need the education and social benefits that modernization brings. This type of theory often appears in the period of violence described next. The logic of violent guerrilla eradication and complete military control that occurred in western highland Guatemala was based on the interpretation that the delay in Indian modernization permits covert communist secret maneuvers. This escalated to the idea that is was necessary to annihilate communists, the element obstructing the development of Indian modernization.

(III) Reformist religious sects (grouped together here as those influencing and insisting that reform is necessary due to dissatisfaction with the present conditions) were not concerned with economic or political reform, but demanded the spiritual rectification of Indians. In the Cuchumat_n highlands evangelical Protestant sects had already begun preaching in various villages in the 1930's (La Farge 1974). However, such activities were localized and cannot necessarily be considered permanent. The first contact in the town with Protestant evangelizing was in the 1970's. Protestants criticized festival expenditures carried out by cofrade (ember of cofrad_a) as a transgression and wasteful. This was particularly effective in converting the poorest segment of the population who struggled to finance their participation in the cofrad_a's ceremonial activities, thus eroding the economic foundations upon which the cofrad_a survived.

However, in this town, the dismantling of traditional organizations began even earlier with the arrival of the reformist Catholics in the early 1960s. The principal actor responsible for the beginning of this breakdown was a Caucasian priest from the United States who's religious philosophy was inspired by the reformist Catholic movement. Catholic reformists veered from Orthodox Catholic philosophy in that it was far less concerned with the rapid expansion of Protestant teachings in Central America. Their primary goal was to wipe out folk Catholicism (the syncretistic religion, performed by the cofrad_a, that brings orthodox Catholicism into contact with traditional Mayan worldview). The Catholic priest that came to the town despised the pagan ceremonies carried out by the cofrad_a and prohibited them from conducting such events within the church. He also took down the many images of saints inside the church and restricted their worship. In addition, he educated the lay preachers, or catechists, gave them supervisory roles, and condemned all pagan ceremonies and the people involved in them. This Catholic reformist did not criticize the cofrad_a directly for their observances, rather, in censuring the traditional syncretistic faith, Catholic reformist transformed the organization of the cofrad_a's ceremonial expenditure. Generally speaking, this suppressed the usual cofrad_a observances, allowing traditional rites to be observed only at large village events, such as All Saint's Day. Little by little, this brought about the decline of the cofrad_a 's influence on the town's everyday life.

In addition to the battle for religious influence over Indian society, both the guerrillas and the army fought to gain ideological hegemony in society by putting their political theories into practice. Their respective goals can be summarized as "revolutionary changes" (guerillas), and "respect of militaristic order" (army). These 2 objectives came to fruition in this town, albeit at different times, through separate forms of violence enacted by each of these institutions during their respective reign of control. In both cases, the guerrillas and the army necessarily destroyed the previously existing order of the town.

II.2 Violence 1981-82

Revolutionary power cast Indians in the role of revolutionary supporters. In other words, the guerrilla plan for gaining power was to build a rural Indian militia that would eventually move into the cities. The Guerrilla Army of the Poor (Ej_rcito Guerillero de los Pobres: EGP), one faction of the guerrilla resistance movement, arrived in town in early 1981 consisting mostly of ladinos. When they first arrived, they stole the hearts and minds of the local people with their message that land will be given to all. The guerrilla proclamation drew sympathy from the more educated Indians, especially local teachers. Many farmers were also swayed by the guerrilla ideology. The EGP conducted military training for boys and young men. While the EGP held political sway in the town, wealthy farmers and businesspeople owning land, the majority of whom were ladinos, became the targets of terrorism. Occasionally, casual executions were carried out to boost morale within the guerrilla ranks.

In general, Guatemalan Indians are often described as the victims of violence. However, plenty of evidence suggests that under guerrilla military rule, many Indians actively volunteered to engage in violent action against their perceived enemies.

The national army began pushing guerrilla forces out of the area between 1981 and 1982. The methods used to maintain political sway in the town pushed the residents' capacity for adapting to violence to the limit. The army relied solely upon the fear induced by brute force as its means of control. Townspeople suspected of collaborating with guerrillas were tortured and executed in various (hideous) ways. By the end of the army's occupation of the town, most residents viewed the army as a weapon of the state, designed to instill fear and nothing more. The following presents one man's memory of the situation.

[Guerrillas and the army] (C. J., age 30, Indian, male) For over 30 years we were exploited on the plantations (fincas) of the Pacific. However, never during this time was there a chance to resist them (ladinos). Until 1981, that is.

[Arrival of the first guerrillas] On a Saturday morning, 9 a.m., the "Guerrilla Army of the Poor" came armed wearing masks. The group consisted of both men and women. 250 were men, and 50 women. They scrawled various political slogans on walls with paint. After about half an hour of doing that, the contrapartes (counterparts; locals sympathetic to the guerrillas) were used to send out instructions to meet in the central park. More than 2,000 people gathered.

Their leader addressed everyone, lecturing on the crisis still present since the invasion by Spain, saying, "The time for revolution has come. Let's join together (bearing arms) and fight." In his speech, the leader accorded the people with a phrase that became very important as a key to their sympathy. This phrase was, "Release the land to the people," (abra la tierra). It drew applause from the crowd. Everyone got out their money and gave the guerrillas a warm reception with cola and bread.

The guerrillas took down the Guatemalan national flag that was in the park, erected one with Che Guevarra's face in its place, and burned the national flag in the square. It was about noon by this time.

[March 1981, two months later] The Guerrilla Army of the Poor came to town again. They first appeared in surrounding villages, approaching the town from villages M, L, J, P, and T. Don F's father, Don C, was a guerrilla sympathizer and looked upon as the town leader by the people. The guerrillas gathered at Don C's home and conducted meetings over a 2-week period. At the beginning, the talk at these started off focused on theoretical matters. Soon, the guerrillas notified each household that it should send two male representatives for training. My older brother and I went from the C household. Training took place at night. My brother and I were fat at the time, so it was decided that we were not fit for the training. This turned out to be our saving grace.

[June 1981, another three months later] By this time, the "philosophy" (filosof_a) of the Guerrilla Army of the Poor had changed. They placed their own Officer of the Peace and lawyer in town to settle issues that arose. However, from my perspective, this was a very illogical strategy.

This town has always had fights over land boundaries. The guerrilla lawyers did not mediate by listening to both sides of a matter. They would receive a bribe from one party, say 500 quetzal, and assassinate the other during the night. In fights over lovers, a man might even request that his rival be killed. As guerrillas patrolled neighboring areas, they would enter stores where goods had been delivered, determine that the owner was wealthy, kill him, and destroy the store. I don't see how having goods available determines that the owner is rich. These are two different things. The store could be operating under a loan.

Guerrillas would burn buses and tear apart roads. They made their own laws, setting a 6 p.m. curfew. One farmer whose field was in a remote area was unable to make it home by the curfew. He returned at 7 p.m. and was killed under suspicion of spying. I think one man, "J.N.," killed about 50 or 60 villagers. Communication with the outside was cut off. The town, or community, could not even go to the local prefectural capital city (which at that time had been an often-frequented city). Roads were off limits, anyone seen traveling on a road was suspected of spying. However, at this time, even in this town, army spies were already hiding in the town, camouflaged as villagers.

As a result of guerrilla occupation and military objectives, most ladinos abandoned the village, leaving vacant many of the local businesses and much of the prime real estate.

[July-August 1981] About 200 or 300 government soldiers arrived. Although there are numerous ranks within the military, these soldiers were ranked as caibil.(6)7 They wore red berets and their faces were covered with camouflage coloring. These men were much more dangerous [than the guerrillas], doing away with people as if killing cats or mice. They first arrived in R (name of area) and began by setting 60 homes on fire, killing 2 or 3 people, then they traveled down the road lighting other nearby homes on fire. Then, they came to the town, (pueblo). The soldiers raped about 20 to 25 women [in the pueblo]. Of those raped, some died from genital mutilation and others from sickness later. The machinery that the town had was destroyed.

The general of the army assembled people in the central park. He threatened to bomb the city with helicopters if not told the whereabouts of the guerrillas. Then, he told us to organize a militia and said they would provide weapons. Of course, now we know that this was all a lie. The general called people together saying he wanted to elect leaders from the town. A number of men were selected, who then went before the militia. After all the men had gathered, the general made the following statement. "You are the leaders of the guerrillas, and we are all going to kill you." The caibil were called forward. Each man's fingers were cut off with a knife, his stomach ripped open, penis cut off, head cracked with a machete, the skin on the back of his legs taken off, and then finally shot and killed. In other cases, they were killed by being drenched in oil and burned. About 140 men met death in such ways. The final 10 men, said to be the most important 10 guerrillas, were made to walk the road to S (name of a nearby town on the other side of the mountain, about a 5 hour walk through the mountains). Over the course of the route the soldiers sliced the men's ears, cut off their toes, made them continue walking, and did everything they could to torture them so that they died an agonizingly painful death.

When it got dark, the townspeople carried away the bodies of the victims, held a quick wake, then took them to the cemetery as they were for burial. In the morning, bones and nails, all that was left of the fingers due to wild dogs, were lying in the square. After assembling the people, the soldiers threatened the elderly with pistols, making them run as they shot at their feet. Then, having had their fun watching the panic, they killed them.

[September-October 1981] This type of torture continued for several days, so people began to flee the town. They went to live in the mountains or migrated to the finca on the Pacific coast. The army made the church their base for about 4 months. During this time, it was almost a ghost town. Only the elderly were able to stay, since they were free from suspicion of guerrilla involvement.

[Beginning of 1982] The army gathered people in front of the church, shut all the adult males within and told them, "We are now going to start burning everything. People will probably not be able to live here." Hearing this message, some cried, some fell to the ground. However, the next morning the army suddenly left the town. Thinking this very odd, everyone turned on their radio and found out that the Lucas Garcia government had fallen in a coup to General Rios Montt. However, hearing this, people started saying that the army would probably return. So that the town would never again be put under such suffering, the people sent a representative to the capital to make an agreement with General Rios Montt or his secretary. The town representative was told by the new government, "Have each home display the Guatemalan flag. If homes do not display the national flag, the area will most likely be bombed."

The same army returned, but their philosophy had changed by this time. They stopped recklessly killing villagers. The soldiers were to make the people literate. However, in the classroom they were always asking, "Where are the guerrillas?" (_ Donde est_n los guerrilleros ? ). The army also assembled white rocks spelling out the name of the town on a mountain slope to the north. This is still visible on the side of the mountain today.

The preceding quotation describes the logic and method the army or military government decided upon to eradicate communism in the villages. When the army first invades, homes left vacant mark guerrilla sympathizers; undesirable elements such as this must be burned down. From the army's perspective torture was justified because humans will reveal the truth if afraid. To prevent residents in developing villages from joining guerrillas out of resentment, the army provided people with food and sheet zinc for weathering the elements. In regions where guerrillas were eliminated by military attacks, the army organized local militias and supplied them with rifles as a means of self-defense against future "communist" (guerrilla) encroachment. The organization of local civilian defense patrols (Patrulla de Autodefensa Civil, PAC) to provide security was later called "beans and rifles" (frijoles y fusiles: a slogan for providing food and a means of self-defense against communism).

The organization of civilian defense patrols instituted a new type of violence and signaled the beginning of a new order in society, an order that replaced the already declining cofrad_a. Once implemented, the economic endeavors of townspeople were restricted under a new form of social control. To put it another way, the local civilian patrol was a system of social control centered on the power of males, and in some ways the patrols could be seen as a form of institutionalized terrorism. In Indian society, the males traditionally assume the authoritative role of head-of-household. As such, they also assume the role of economic provider and decision-maker within the household. Furthermore, participation in the civilian defense patrols further legitimized male authority in this town by tying men's traditional roles to the ideology of national security imposed by the army. This had the effect of solidifying a powerful and obedient social hierarchy at the household and community levels. The influence of violence on local economic activity amounted to more than a simple interruption. Over these two years the fabric of society was ripped apart. To begin with, almost all ladinos had left town. This meant the halt of economic activities that they had once controlled. Of course, they were not the only people who fled. While under army rule, the town had become basically devoid of any life. Immediately following the army invasion, townspeople ran to the nearby mountains and had to set up camp. And as army terror and execution became an everyday part of life, many of those who remained in town took to the mountains or headed for plantations on the Pacific coast in search of work. In short, this was the beginning of Indian displacement within the country. As entrance to refugee camps established in Mexico became routine, even more of the remaining people left, officially recognized as refugees. In any case, after the exodus, this town became a ghost town. "Along with the army, wild animals were all that remained in the town" (C.J., age 30, Indian male).

After this dismantling of society, Indians began to return little by little beginning in 1983. However, the great majority of ladinos and other residents, did not return. Indians had always comprised the majority of the population and since the ladinos had taken flight in 1981, they (Indians) were able to take control of economic and political power.

The army's campaign of destruction changed even the landscape of the village. The extent of the damage was such that visitors to the town who had no prior knowledge of the situation were so overwhelmed by fear, that it is said they did not so much as set foot outside their hotel during their stay. The following episode brings the terrible state of affairs to light.

[Return to the Town of Violence] (M. O., late 50s, ladina female) We got into the lodging and restaurant business after buying this inn from my husband's younger sister.

When the guerrillas came, ladinos sold their land and homes to Indians for nothing and got out of the area. In the end, there was only one other family remaining besides ours.

Visitors basically disappeared, and the situation was awful. So, my husband decided to leave for the regional capital. Just as he was to set off, we learned that the army was coming on the radio. Whether they came or not, it would look like he ran away. I left with just a cup in one large basket. Standing in the cargo area of a truck, that was all the luggage I had. On the road we passed about 10 army trucks. In R (an area) many homes had been burned. The army seemed to think that any empty homes marked guerrilla sympathizers. I left with tears flowing down my face.

I lived in H (a town) for about a year. However, always feeling that our lives were tied to our hometown, my husband decided to return. For me, the memory of the terror in which we fled was too much. I did not want to go back. Therefore, on our return I was again crying the whole way. When we arrived, the tears came again at the sight of our home, utterly changed. All our household fixtures had been pillaged. The army had apparently tried to burn down our inn, since a section of the building was charred. Luckily the fire did not spread and our inn was left standing.

Once again, we started over and tried to get the inn going. Of course, at first there were no visitors to the town. After awhile, a couple tourists did appear. However, after seeing the burned villages along the way, they arrived so frightened, no one would set foot outside the inn. My husband encouraged them by saying, "The danger has now passed. You can go anywhere you please." Not a soul listened to his attempts to ease their fears.

Needless to say, it is not hard to imagine that the destruction caused psychological wounds to those that remained in the town, as well as those who returned. My research in 1987, entitled, "The State of Medical Treatment in Villages," relates to this topic. During the 3 months that I spent on site, references to this violent period only came up in informal conversation. Those that spoke about it asked that the content be kept in confidence. Upon my most recent return this time, now fourteen years since the destruction, people have begun to speak about the previous violence relatively freely, offering a variety of interpretations.

In asking why such destruction and violence came to this town, the people have explained the causes from diverse points of view. The dialogue on this question has become more open. Among the views, some believe the guerrillas and army came as punishment for the corruption of the people following adoption of the beliefs of the foreign priest and abandoning traditional customs. Others offered a more prophetic explanation, saying the violence was sent from the gods. And some explained the situation in much the same way as the guerrillas, saying that it was a result of the village exploitation by the cities.

To me, the people's varied interpretations and stories represent an oral history of the situation to date. Moreover, as one listens to these interpretations, one gets the sense that interpreting the history of their own town has been an important part of the process of adaptation as they go about assembling their lives in the aftermath of the insurgencies. After fourteen years, people have considered the meaning of the violence and by interpreting it in various ways, have tried to overcome the pain so deeply ingrained in their memory.

II.3 From the Coast to the North

From my understanding of the period following the political violence and civil strife that occurred during 1981 and 1982, the economic ethos of this society underwent fundamental change. Since my research was conducted in 1987 and 1996, I had to reconstruct all the details of this change from the memories and experiences of the people who lived through the violent period. These personal narratives make clear the ways that the violent period in this town has marked and divided the lives of those who were adults at that time. Characteristics of the period following the violence are divided into the following 3 areas for consideration: the organization of violence, the psychological effects of the violence on local politics and economy, and finally, the resurgence of economic activities.

II.3. (1) Organization of Violence

What significance has the organization of civilian defense patrols had for the new social order? The significance lies in the continuance of low-level terrorism that had already taken root. In villages where civilian defense patrols were in operation, a "militaristic social order" was formed. In this situation, people had no other choice but to arrange their lives to fit the system. For those wanting to put the violence behind them psychologically, the only option was to suppress the emotions they felt while experiencing violence everyday. Most people became hesitant to speak about matters of politics, let alone the violence, due to the connection to terrifying memories. However, in order to survive in the wake of violence, people sought a new identity. Ritual obedience in the name of the cofrad_a transformed into militaristic obedience for the sake of an anticommunist ideology that threatened the lives of all who did not fall into line, i.e. those who did not "voluntarily" participate in the civilian defense patrols. This was in tune with the anti-foreign sentiment among Indians at the time. Traditional ceremonies seemed to lack the power to bind the people after the violence. In addition, chronic insufficiencies of land at the end of the "period of exploitation" meant that people would have to turn to new methods for producing wealth (or currency), namely, business activities.

An enabling factor in this situation was the pervasive and permanent ladino flight in this town, most of whom had held dominion in business activity prior to and through the period of violence. The yoke on ladino control over businesses had been lifted. The reason behind the ladino domination over local business was not due to a lack of business acumen on the part of Indians. There is no basis for positing a lack of indigenous commercial sensibility; an interregional market system (plaza) has been active in this area for hundreds of years. The problem was that ladinos had previously established a monopoly in transportation, wholesale of factory-produced goods, and at the middleman level of distribution. There was no margin for intervening in the system later. The Indians in this town also carried the burden of "Penny Capitalism" (Tax 1953). Penny capitalism, refers to the continuous circulation of capital through the ritual activities of the cofrad_a which results in the gradual development and elevation of a person's social standing, rather than an accumulation of wealth, or economic standing. However, in this town, cofrad_a had already begun to deteriorate and weaken during the exploitation period due to the work of the reformist Catholics and the foreign priest8. Thus, some Indians began to accumulate wealth prior to the violence.

II.3. (2) Political and Economic Results of Violence

During the 1980s, the world began to learn of the destruction of numerous villages, customs, and culture due to the long-term terrorism of guerrillas and the army in western highland Guatemala. Medical and village development aid was extended by governmental and non-governmental agencies of developed countries beginning in the mid-1980s. Based on humanistic interventions, the various forms of development aide arriving in Guatemala was supposed to be fairly administered. However, at least from the perspective of overall social influence on this town, it is not an exaggeration to say that the actual basis of economic improvements came about during the 1990s due to illegal labor migration to the U.S. and the lack of regulations on currency from outside.

As mentioned earlier, the way to obtaining currency in the exploitation period was by going to the Pacific Coast of southwestern Guatemala (la costa) and working as a seasonal laborer on the plantations. In addition to the unfamiliar climate and severe working conditions, labor in la costa led to numerous cases of tropical and infectious diseases such as malaria. Furthermore, in order to gather a large enough work force, labor recruiters would visit the homes of laborers while people were preparing for festivals and pay them their wages in advance. Once the rites were over and people had used up the money, a truck, and later a chartered bus would arrive, bound for the plantations. Needless to say, his type of system for procuring workers did not leave a favorable impression toward labor in la costa.

However, a system with more appeal began to develop around 1990: illegally emigrating and working in the United States, mainly in California. This involved attempting to "travel" to the U.S. by handing over relatively large fees to traffickers called coyotes. What the coyote were doing was against the law, but a newspaper in the capital city boldly ran an ad saying, "All it takes is an ID card, and you can be in America." There are actually various forms of this sort of "travel" organized by coyotes. Some services will even deliver you to the border using chartered buses and trucks or public transportation, with agents at each point along the route to guide the way. At the border between Mexico and the United States, there is a strict inspection at the U.S. immigration office. Due to the frequency of fraud and crime aimed at people of Hispanic ethnicity crossing into the U.S. at border areas, the dangers that go along with illegal entry are further increased. Similar to the Guatemalan refugees portrayed in Gregory Napa's film, "El Norte" (1983), conversations about such harsh experiences can often be heard from the town residents.

The United States adopted a strict policy to eliminate illegal workers entering the country from Mexico. However, in light of protecting human rights, the U.S. tried to expedite the delivery of visas, including work visas, to political refugees from Guatemala and El Salvador. Therefore, the number of Guatemalans asserting that they had to flee Guatemala for political reasons increased, as Indians from this town and western Guatemala were at some point exposed as illegal immigrants in the United States. Within Guatemala, it is said that after the army killed people in a village, it (presumably) placed guerrilla propaganda in the pockets of victims to justify the "murder." In thinking about "political refugees in disguise" in the U.S., it appears that this "tool" used by the army to justify the victimization of Indians (i.e. by changing the identity of the deceased) has been co-opted by the townspeople themselves. In a different form and a completely different context, the townspeople have claimed a new identity (i.e. by claiming political persecution), and have used it as a "tool" to justify a more secure livelihood and economic existence as laborers in the United States. Even if they were crossing the border for economic reasons, their hometown happened to be embroiled in political dispute. And as long as they claimed to be "political refugees," very little could be done to disprove them. In the first place, it is absurd to discuss how to classify one segment of refugees as "political," and another as "economic." Herein lies the reason that it became possible to use the "tool" created by those in power (the army), as a way to protect one's existence.

Illegal Hispanic immigrants in the United States are called mojados, or "wetbacks," based stories about swimming across the Rio Grande. Although accurate statistics on mojados from this town are not available, it is estimated that about 1,500 from the town are working the U.S. If this is taken as fact, it accounts for about 7.5% of the town's total population of 20,000.

The following image of mojados has been drawn by assembling stories of former labor migrants and from families who had a member currently working in the U.S. At first, many men were crossing the border to the United States. Since a considerable amount of money was given to coyotes, most leaving would borrow from relatives or take out loans locally. Both the number one and number two motivating factors to go to the U.S. were the high value of the currency. There were some that did want to learn about foreign countries, but since the cost of "travel" was not easy to come by, it is safe to say that the main reason was economic. If unsuccessful at first, most kept trying, borrowing more money, until they made it. If they never made it, they could not pay back the money they borrowed to give the coyote. Approximately half of those who have made the trip have lost communication with their hometown. The half that has remained in contact with their families somehow found work and sent money home. Most immigrants to the United States stay for a period of six months to a year. Recently, the number of women leaving for the United States has grown. This increase came as men began making a stable income and could then send for the women. Before long, some became permanent residents, established families, and were able to stop sending money home. Although the passage to the United States was expensive and strenuous, it was surprisingly easy to return home. By simply declaring their status as an illegal alien at the United States' immigration bureau, they would be safely sent home at no cost under deportation procedures.

II.3. (3) Renewal of Economic Activities

The amount of money sent back by mojados varied with the living standards of the area they settled in. However, each mailing would usually be several hundred dollars. One can imagine the huge economic significance of this amount, considering the annual income for Guatemalans was $3,000 U.S. per capita. Since the number of mojados greatly increased in the 1990's, the U.S. dollars sent back to their families grew to an impressive sum. As this was not brought about by growth of economic activities in their local areas, it could be said to contribute to the development of a kind of "bubble economics." On my visit to the town after 9 years away, I was shocked not only by the increase in number of new homes that had been built, but also by the size of the homes, many having 2-stories made from concrete block. Townspeople would point out these homes and say in unison, "Their son is working in the United States."

Money sent to the town was not merely used to build new homes. It initiated a variety of expenditures and investments, such as starting businesses or purchasing trucks. There was also a jump in the price of land, although this did not lead to a land-rolling situation. The approach to savings and modern finance had not sufficiently spread. Finally a bank branch was to be established in the town, and a representative was sent to conduct a survey. This was another effect of bubble economics.

[On the Town's Economic Situation] (H. E., age 25, Ladino, male) The total population of the town (within the administrative district) is 24,000. The number over 18 is 16,500. Each year there are about 1,100 to 1,150 births and about 175 to 200 deaths. In other words, the town is growing by about 1000 people per year. However, the increase in the population growth rate was from 1990 on. This is approximate, but from 1982 to 1990, the growth was about 600 people per year. After 1990, it growth went up to about 1000.

With the growth in population, people began to clear new land for farming. The land is all private; there is no public. Even now, people have not stopped working on the coast, but compared to earlier times, it has decreased. It is still not desirable work.

The people started to grow products for retail (cash crops). Last year they grew cauliflower for this purpose. However, at first, none of the locals would eat it. They were all sent off to the market. The biggest reason for the boon in economic activity comes from loans for farming and handicrafts from assistance organizations and the government. The interest rate on the loans is an annual 18 to 28% to be paid off in 2 or 3 years. When these various organizations lend money, there is a lot of paperwork. There are many restrictions on the type of work or project loans may cover.

Compared to this situation, personal or private loans have a monthly interest rate of 10%. (This is simple interest, so the annual interest rate is 120% - Ikeda.) Though this is high, people use them quite often. The advantage of this kind of loan is the absence of paperwork: only a receipt must be made. However, due to constant problems meeting payments, most lending and borrowing is carried out among relatives.

Another reason for the economic activity is that the government is putting money into public works every 4 months based on population. The town is currently receiving 400 thousand quetzal (or about 67 thousand U.S. dollars based on the exchange rate in the fall of 1996). The newly completed public market received 1 million 500 thousand quetzal (250 thousand U.S. dollars) in funding.

Regular markets traditionally functioned as the distributor of local agricultural products. However, during this 10-year period, the market function drastically changed to that of distributor of foreign agricultural products and factory-made products from outside the town. Even in the "exploitation era, money made on the coastal plantations was spent in the regular markets and contributed to economic activity. Currently, however, much more money flows into town from mojados than from la costa and the influence that this has had on the town cannot be compared to previous times.

Textile handicrafts began to be traded in the market during this period as well, and a sector that could be called the handicraft industry began to develop within the town. As this local industry grew, the character of several textiles began to change and one item symbolizing a self determined identity, the morral (knit shoulder bag), was promoted as a commercial product for sale in outside markets. Today, thousands of semi-finished versions of these knit bags are forwarded for processing outside of town. These products are not only sold domestically, but exported to the United States and Europe (Ikeda 1997).

Mr. P. M. left the town with his wife to live in the regional administrative city. He goes back to his hometown every weekend and is a broker of semi-finished knit bags, a handicraft made by local residents. In his home, he has a small workshop where he employs about 10 young people who reinforce the stock of semi-finished knit products with a leather bottom and attach a draw string. The products are sold wholesale in the capital city and at all handicraft stores in tourist areas throughout the country.

When he is in his hometown doing business with fellow Indians he wears jeans and a traditional shirt. Over this, like other men in the town, he also wears a leather jacket.

In comparison, his wife, no matter where she goes, always wears a traditional huipil wherever she goes - no matter what the occasion. Nearby the city where they live, they have a distant relative who left the town 7 years ago and married a Ladino man. She says she would never return. However, even in her new community, she weaves her own huipil on a backstrap loom and says that she would never think about replacing her traditional dress.

[Traditional Clothes No Longer Worn] (P. M., age 35, Indian, male] The following is a conversation between "P" and myself, "I." [I] You don't wear the traditional town clothing (traje tipico) anymore? [P] Not here in the city. [I] Once you started doing business in the city did you stop? [P] In the beginning, I wore the traditional garb. The first few years. [I] Is it awkward to wear the traditional clothes? Do Ladinos have a prejudice toward this? [P] Yes. They do. Racial discrimination doesn't go away. Like I mentioned before, in Quetzaltenango (the second largest city in Guatemala) if an Indian name even comes up for a city election, racial problems begin.

II.4 Transformations

To speak accurately about current conditions in the town we must consider what the townspeople have experienced.

First, when Indians explain the changes in the town, they now speak with a clear awareness of a shift from a dependent position as victims of exploitation, to an independent economic position, possessing a free will and able to do as they please. This change reflects the diversity in the identities they can choose from. For example, in the past, when the cofrad_a was contested, most people recognized only two options for the future, "revolutionary reform," or "reverence of militaristic order." However, now it is believed that all people can freely conduct business under economic liberalism.

The guerrillas initially captured the spirit of the people with the slogan "free the land." This was because land was seen as the reservoir of wealth. The army who appeared later destroyed this society. However, the army that nearly turned the society into a vacant lot, instilled violence through order in the form of civilian organizations, while it obscured the people's political awareness. Through low-level terrorism, or the "entrenching of terrorism," devised by the military government, a uniform order returned to the town. This type of political stability characterized by the suppression of political thought, in effect lead many people to seek out new economic strategies to improve their lives. However, the violence inherent in the new militaristic order gradually became seen as a restraint on the current style of "free economics." Under the new conditions, the political view that saw violence as an effective means of social control and economic development, no longer held water. For economic development on any level, there is no heavier yoke than violence. Many social and political changes occurred at that time that influenced people to adopt this new way of thinking. In addition to the fruits of domestic politics, such as guarantees of public peace and freedom to make political statements, the Nobel Peace Prize recipient, Rigoberta Mench_, maintained direct dialogues with foreigners involved in providing assistance. Menchu's efforts helped to shine an international spotlight on the violence in Guatemala. The arrival of assistance organizations from overseas in the town spurred the discovery of "business" as a new source of wealth. At the same time, the idea that, "trade," the more lucrative business opportunity, goes beyond national boundaries was also becoming popular. This "trade" included such activities as working illegally in foreign countries and exporting handicrafts and other goods. Naturally, tourism development also became a popular venue for creating and accumulating wealth.

[On Tourism] (C. J., age 58, Indian, male) Originally, handicrafts in this town (such as men and women's folk clothing and hand woven bags) were not for tourism, but were made for our own use. If tourists purchase these as souvenirs, it adds that much to our family income. However, these are always our own items. Here, a girl is weaving cloth [for women's traditional dress], but it is for a different girl in the same family. In particular, recently the content of handmade folk craft has become intricate, which brings about a jump in price. So if tourists stop buying, there is nothing they can be used for. The handicrafts are that elaborate.

Some say that tourism helps our livelihood. I don't feel that way. Those making money on tourists are people that run inns, souvenir shops, and restaurants.

This town has been visited by tourists for 20 years. Since foreigners began coming, people have little by little made friends and become kind to them. This puzzles me - why people are so nice to foreigners.

[Tourist Invasion ] (C. J., age 30, Indian, male) There has definitely been an invasion of tourism (invasi_n tur_stica). I don't want this town to become like Panajachel. In that area a lot of tourists and ladinos have begun buying up the land. The Indians have disappeared from the main part of the town and now live in the nearby mountain areas. Why? Because foreigners and ladinos took a liking to Panajachel. Or, they bought lakeside land at the seller's asking price as an investment, raising the price of land. Locals could no longer buy land by the lake and were driven away. I don't want this town to be forced into the same situation.

In respect to culture, everything has changed. Men now have long hair. Even pants have changed. Everyone tries to imitate foreign fashions. This has also brought about alienation (alienaci_n). With the arrival of foreign culture, homosexuality, narcotics smuggling, and abuse of drugs and alcohol have all become worrisome.

The peace negotiations in late 1996 between the antigovernment power, Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca, URNG (Guatemalan people's revolutionary union), and the government were a step toward recognizing the human rights of all Indians as free "economic" individuals. One NGO in the town, through selling Spanish lessons to tourists and providing cultural education, upholds many of the aims of neoliberalism, making connections with the outside world in working toward project goals for the town's economic independence. This includes assistance projects for independent, self-sustaining clinics, Indian political and economic independence, support for reforestation projects, and aid for sustainable development. In other words, economic development in this town has bridged the gap between anti-foreign sentiment found in Indian identity formation, and fraternity grounded in neoliberal ideals.

With the stabilization of public order in the latter half of the 1980's, propagation began of various evangelical Protestant sects that achieved success in producing unified converts. Following the violence in '81 and '82, supporters of the Central America Church, which has the longest history in the town, shifted from ladinos to Indians. Traditional folk religion also enjoyed a brief revival in early 1982. However, this was limited to the mere symbolic establishment of two crosses, one in front of the church and the other in front of prehistoric ruins in the mountains. The Roman Catholic faith was strengthened as the revival movement declined, as well as traditions of folk Catholicism due to reformist Catholic catechists. These processes brought the cofrad_a, not to mention cofrad_a traditions, to a halt. The function of festivals for protectorate saints and other observances also shifted from teaching traditional values to recreational festivals or holidays enjoyed by the family.

This brings us to the present, 1996. These various changes have accelerated the bubble economy created by the influx of foreign currency from illegal workers in the United States. However, my impression is that the peak is gradually approaching. The townspeople tend to agree that the current economic activity is slowing down little by little, especially handicrafts. I often heard people say, "Business is relaxing," "Nowadays competition is fierce." Thus, the speculative behavior in the land market that occurred during the early period of the bubble economy is now also relaxing. The economic gap among Indians in this town has also grown. Of course, in a general sense, the town has become more prosperous.

On October 10, 1996, the civilian defense organization was dissolved. After ten years of operation, weapons were turned in at an exercise in the presence of the United Nations Peace Keeping Organization. In light of these changes, several important questions concerning the future arise. How will the dissolution of the civilian defense organization affect the order of society? Will various social problems related to the bubble economy intensify, such as alcoholism and alcohol-related problems? Or, will the issues related to juvenile delinquency increase in number or frequency? A number of local men have expressed their fear that these various problems may suddenly erupt.

In addition, with evangelical Protestantism "expanding year by year," many are concerned that the traditional All Saints Day festival will lose its vibrancy. The symbolic and economic meanings attached to this tradition have already changed significantly, especially since the violence. Furthermore, it is likely that these traditions will not continue to the extent that townspeople explain to tourists, and the dissolution of this type of "tradition" will most likely result in a loss of income generated by tourism.

III. Conclusion -- The Cultural Involution of Violence --

The impact of the violence that occurred from 1981 to 1982 on the change in local economic consciousness is so great it cannot be measured. The expressions, "before the violence," and "after the violence," were used many times over throughout the course of my interviews as significant markers of time that hold important meaning in the people's memory of local history.

What I want to draw attention to here concerns the symbolic meaning of violence. Since the most violent epoch in Guatemala, many anthropologists have endeavored to tell the world about the problems of violence and, even more earnestly, the systematic creation of unjust conditions by the army (e.g. Carmack 1988). Those who suffered the are the only people who can claim to know the reality of this experience, the reality of violence and injustice. It is a bitter history lesson, just hearing about the situation. Knowing that these injustices did in fact happen may be indispensable information for those living in the same era. However, I believe there is another dimension to this type of experience that requires our attention: the social transformation of those living in the area.

Initially, the violence actually changed the basic fabric of the town. Then, in adapting to the violence, the people abandoned many of the traditional customs and systems believed to be widely shared prior to the violence. Taking steps to understand the violence required the creation of a completely new identity.

For those who remained silent in 1987, violence has become so essential in relating the town's history that they have since put together a lecture-quality address under a language and cultural education project for tourists. As many other people broke the silence, speaking about the violence and pain became significant beyond that of an anguishing common experience. This seems to suggest that recounting the violence - relating their stories to tourists and foreigners - has been an elemental step in the creation of a new identity.

A change has also occurred in what was considered the "source of wealth" before and after the violence. Before the violence, this source was the soil or land, more specifically milpa or cornfields. Cultivating land was seen as the key to satisfying the family's consumptive and material needs. Informing this image was the belief that the land would always provide, that the cycle of corn production could (and would) continue for perpetuity.

However, the attitude toward land as a source of wealth changed after the violence. "Making even one more quetzal," and, "Everyone wants to own a store," are common statements illustrating how thinking changed. Affluence is now seen as something that can be gained through business activities. Or in another sense, the road to riches lies "outside." Despite the risk involved, the aspiration to work in the United States as a mojado was the easiest access to this fountain of wealth. In order to accomplish such ideals, humans must become both politically and economically free individuals. For this to happen, Indians, as well as ladinos need to be educated. Furthermore, Indians must become economically independent from ladinos. Rather than revolution through militarism, this should happen through the creation of a peaceful nation that guarantees human rights. Peace negotiations between the state and the guerrillas are being carried out because people believe that peace will provide stable economic growth.

The shift in economic consciousness experienced in the town does not in any way reflect the type of gradual process that typically characterizes political and economic change. Rather, the (violent) events that occurred in this town's recent history have sparked a unique pattern of social change, a pattern that resonates with, but does not mirror, Bourdieu's (1979) description of the lower-class proletariat in Algeria in 1960. Unlike the rapid processes of social change normally fostered by the emergence of capitalist relations of production, the processes of social reorganization in Indian society are moving gradually. The physical and psychological destruction caused by violence has helped to create new social and economic environments in which Indians are working to newly adapt. A "citizen's hermeneutics" for understanding the exchange-value world sprung from the pre-capitalistic value-of-use world. This may be why the "contract with the devil" episode (Taussig, 1980) replayed throughout Latin America, let alone Guatemala, is not evident in this case.

References Cited

Ikeda, Mitsuho. 1997 Ethnicity, Culture, and Regular Markets as Products : Ethnic Tourism in the Western Guatemalan Highlands [in Japanese]. Market History Research Vol. 17, pp. 93-99.

Bourdieu, Pierre. 1979 Algeria 1960 : the disenchantment of the world : the sense of honour : the Kabyle house or the world reversed : essays. translated by Richard Nice. New York : Cambridge University Press.

Annis, Sheldon. 1987 God and Production in a Guatemalan Town. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Cancian, Frank. 1992 The Decline of Community in Zinacantan. Stanford: Stanford University Press. (esp. chap. 10, "Changes in the meaning of Cargo service")

Carmack, Robert M. ed. 1988 Harvest of Violence. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.

La Farge, Oliver. 1994 [1947] La Costumbre en Santa Eulalia. Guatemala: Editorial Cholsamaj.

Oakes, Maud. 1951 The Two Crosses of Todos Santos: Survival of Mayan Religious Ritual. New York: Pantheon Books.

Roberts, Bert. 1999 Textiles for Tourists: Global Markets and Local Production in Todos Santos, Guatemala. Master's Paper, Department of Anthropology, University of Iowa.

Taussig, Michel T. 1980 The Devil and Commodity Fetishism in South America. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press.

Tax, Sol. 1953 Penny Capitalism: A Guatemalan Indian Economy. Smithsonian Institute of Social Anthropology Publication No. 16. Washington D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.

Acknowledgements

The groundwork for my observations was laid by the information contained in " Ethnography of Culture Creation of in Guatemala Tourism and Transition in Class, Race, and Gender," an ethnographic research report led by Dr. Yoshinobu Ota and funded through a Monbusho (Ministry of Education) grant for scientific research in 1996. I thank Mr. Bert Roberts, graduate student of University of Iowa, for his kind and keen comments to correct this English version of my paper. Also, though I cannot list their names, I am very grateful to the many people in Guatemala who provided me with their stories. I would like give special thanks to the families of Jos_ Calmo and Don Enrique Mart_nez. Their cooperation was greatly appreciated.

Norts

1 This paper is based on a translation of the paper entitled "Bouryoku no Naisen" in Kumamoto Journal of Culture and Humanities, No.60, pp.59-90, The Society of Culture and Humanities, Kumamoto University, 1998, by same author.

2 My research location was a town (municipio) in Huehuetenango (Departamento de Huehuetenango), Guatemala. What is called a "town" is the lowest rank of self-government in Guatemala. Modern public elections for town mayors are held every 4 years. Indians who speak Mam, Maya-descended Indians, constitute the majority of the population. Most Indians wear the same style of ethnic clothing. The territory of the town is also formed of one main ethnic sphere. Indians speaking a different dialect and Spanish-speaking ladino (Hispanic) are in the minority. From the southwestern Cuchumat_n Highlands in western Guatemala, the entire town spreads over numerous valleys rising from 1000 to some 3000 meters above sea level. It is about 300 square kilometers, with a population of 19,735 (based on a 1994 survey). I stayed in the town center commonly referred to as the pueblo (Cabecera Municipal) from September through October 1996, and conducted research in the area during these two months. Therefore, the "town" referred to throughout this paper, signifies the central commercial and administrative district of the larger municipality.Å@I conducted ethnographic research concerning the influence of tourism on handicraft production in one of Guatemala's western highland towns over a 2-month period beginning in September 1996. This town is the same location where 9 years earlier I conducted research on medical treatment in remote areas. On my return visit, I was made aware of the changes over the 9 years in both myself and in the town.

3 This material is based on the reproduction of notes I took from interviews, conversations, and from narratives of the local people during my fieldwork. It is not a duplication of what was said, but rather a summary, including my own interpretation of nuances. The purpose of this material is not to describe the style of speech. I want to simply convey the content referred to within the spoken word in an understandable form for readers.

4 The original meaning of caporal is caretaker of a farm. However, according to this speaker's explanation, it is a local person who makes labor arrangements upon receiving contracts from farms.

5 In Latin America, habilitaci_n generally means a loan in kind. Here, it refers to a deposit or an advance payment of a portion of wages.

6 Written materials concerning cooperatives at the time of establishment were all burned at the hands of the army. Memory of people of L.A.'s generation is commonly vague, but after putting together information from numerous other related sources, it can be postulated that he worked at the cooperative from about 1971 to 1978.

7 The caibil [Kaibil Balam in a Mayan language] is the name of the special forces borrowed from the pre-Columbian Mayan warrior class. All that can be guessed about the caibil class is the following description from historical fact. "According to Gonzalo de Alavarado, in the Zaculeu Conquests, there is an entry about nearly 8,000 Mam soldiers. These soldiers supported the defense troop, Zaculeu, led by Caibil Balam from the central mountains. These soldiers were certainly made up of soldiers from the Mam peoples home area, today's San Mart_n, Santiago Chimaltenango, San Juan Atit_n, and Todos Santos Cuchumat_n. Following the destruction of Zaculeu [royal court] in October, 1525, Spanish rule spread to the region occupied today by Huehuetenango."[ original in Spanish] (FUNCEDE. 1996,"Municiparidad de Todos Santos Cuchumatan; Diagnostico del Municipio de Todos Santos Cuchumat_n, Departamento de Huehuetenango." Ciudad de Guatemala, p. 7, Guatemala: Fundacion Centroamericana de Desarrollo (FUNCEDE).)

8 The traditional ceremonial system was not entirely abandoned. The cofrad_a supporting Caja Real ÅiRoyal/True BoxÅjis still in existence. And, traditional events are still carried out by chimanes (shamans), clairvoiyants, and priests. These ceremonies are not open to the public, but it is not that the need has been lost. By restoring the rights of Indian culture, it is very possible that these observances could be "revived" and given legitimacy under a new social context.

The Cultural Involution of Violence: A Guatemalan Highland Community and Global Economy

Mitsuho Ikeda, Copyright 1999