On Mastrubation of human beings
On Mastrubation of human beings
本文……
Human Sexuality
Record 1 of 63
TI: K'un Shen; a Taiwan village.
AU: Diamond,-Norma-Joyce
SOC: Society-Taiwan-Hokkien-Asia
FOC: K'un-Shen
TIME: No-date
PUB1: New York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
PAGE: 34
DATE: 1969
TEXT: Respect for one's body mingles with puritanism in the attitude
toward masturbation. Some parents deny that their children do this at
all. If a child is discovered masturbating he is severely scolded and
beaten. He is threatened with what will happen if he continues; he will
be unable to urinate, or he will go crazy. Children are also expected
to conceal their genitalia from the eyes of others. If a boy urinates
outside, he must use his hand to conceal his genitals, while girls past
the age of four are expected to use the privacy of the benjo where no
one can see them. They are reprimanded with slaps and scoldings if they
expose themselves.
DE: Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior; Sex-Education
OCM: 839; 864
CNTL: 284
Record 2 of 63
TI: Bangkhuad; a community study in Thailand.
AU: Kaufman,-Howard-Keva
SOC: Society-Central-Thai-Asia
FOC: Bangkhuad
TIME: 1953-1954
PUB1: Association for Asian Studies, Monographs, 10. Locust Valley, New
York, Published for the Association for Asian Studies by J.J. Augustin
Incorporated Publisher.
PAGE: 136
DATE: 1960
TEXT: In 1939, a monk who had had sexual relations with one of the
dekwat was taken to the higher ecclesiastical board in Bangkok, found
guilty, and expelled.
Until 1934, monks would occasionally travel from wat to wat, posing as
abbots of fictitious wats, and try to obtain donations. This was
considered a violation of Parachik regulation number four and would
result in their expulsion. Since 1934, however, monks have had to carry
identification books on their persons whenever they leave the wat; this
book contains such information as a picture of the monk, his
thumbprint, the number of years he has served as a monk, where he was
ordained, his rank, etc., plus the official seal of the Department of
Religion.
No doubt there is some homosexual activity, at least during the Lenten
period, when so many young men are suddenly thrown into celibacy. Two
men in the village informed me of such occurrences during their stay in
the wat.
In the event that a monk is caught, or confesses to, masturbation, he
is compelled to leave the wat for six days and nights, remaining out in
an open field within one kilometre radius of the wat, with only an
umbrella to protect him from the elements. Should another monk pass by,
the sin must be confessed to him. The other monks are forbidden to
communicate with him during this time. Food is brought by one of the
dekwat. At the termination of the six days, a special meeting is held
in the bod, in which not less than 20 monks must participate. The
guilty monk must stand and confess his sin to the entire group, after
which the abbot tells the group that this monk has done his penance,
that he has suffered enough, and should be allowed to rejoin the group.
DE: Sex-Offenses-And-Crimes; Homosexuality;
Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 684; 838; 839
CNTL: 461
Record 3 of 63
TI: Bangkhuad; a community study in Thailand.
AU: Kaufman,-Howard-Keva
SOC: Society-Central-Thai-Asia
FOC: Bangkhuad
TIME: 1953-1954
PUB1: Association for Asian Studies, Monographs, 10. Locust Valley, New
York, Published for the Association for Asian Studies by J.J. Augustin
Incorporated Publisher.
PAGE: 149
DATE: 1960
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
(taping) which she wears until she is old enough to wear skirts.
Mothers quite often, when feeding or playing with their young songs,
will tickle them in the area of their genitalia. Young children up to
the age of five or six run around nude, so that sex differentiation is
something of which all children are aware. Children witness births and
constantly overhear jokes and references to sex made by older children
and adults. It is interesting to note that children are never asked to
leave the room, regardless of the topic of conservation. Yet never do
they enter the conversation, or make any remarks whatsoever. Sharp [See
note 1] has pointed out that the adage "Children should be seen and not
heard," is carried to an extreme in Thai culture.
Codes of morality have changed. The last generation thought nothing of
bathing in the nude or walking around bare-breasted, regardless of age.
Today, children are taught in elementary school to be modest about
their bodies and bodily functions. The women of this generation always
wear a blouse, never expose their breasts and are self-conscious when
nursing their young in the presence of a stranger. Hips are the
visually stimulating zone for the male farmer. Firm legs and arms are
considered attractive. The breasts are gradually becoming a focus of
attraction due to the introduction of the blouse, publicity for the
perennial bathing-beauty contests held in Bangkok, and the influence of
Western movies.
Premarital sex relationship for women is at a minimum. If a girl shows
a preference for one of her suitors, she may slip away with him during
one of the crowded festivities. More common, although practised by only
a few because of the danger of detection, is for the girl to allow her
favored suitor to come into her mosquito net after her parents are
asleep. The young man leaves before the elders have arisen. This is
also hazardous because of the watch dogs kept by most households.
During the rice-planting season, the young men say they are too tired
to devote their energies to clandestine meetings. During the
post-harvest season (February to May), clandestine meetings do occur,
though infrequently. The more common sexual outlets are through
spinster women in Bangkhuad and other villages, young women in other
villages, prostitutes in Bangkok, and masturbation. Cavorting with
prostitutes (found only in larger urban areas) is becoming more and
more the pattern (though fear of venereal disease is still a strong
deterrent) due to two recent innovation: 1) good transportation service
to the city, and 2) the development of a cash economy.
[Continued next page]
[Note 1] Sharp, p. 86.
DE: Organized-Vice; Sexual-Stimulation; Premarital-Sex;
Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior; Sex-Education
OCM: 548; 832; 836; 839; 864
CNTL: 463
Record 4 of 63
TI: Bangkhuad; a community study in Thailand.
AU: Kaufman,-Howard-Keva
SOC: Society-Central-Thai-Asia
FOC: Bangkhuad
TIME: 1953-1954
PUB1: Association for Asian Studies, Monographs, 10. Locust Valley, New
York, Published for the Association for Asian Studies by J.J. Augustin
Incorporated Publisher.
PAGE: 150
DATE: 1960
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
Of 30 unmarried males between the ages of 20 and 30 who were
interviewed, 20 admitted masturbation; 11 spoke of sexual relations
only with girls from other villages; eight admitted having had
relations with prostitutes in Bangkok; six related that they had had
relations with prostitutes and older Bangkhuad women; eight insisted
that they never had had any sexual relations.
In case of premarital pregnancy, the suitor often marries the girl. If
not, a girl who comes from a well-to-do family will be sent away to
stay with relatives until the child is born, or she may have the child
aborted in Bangkok. With poor families, home-style abortion is
sometimes attempted, though seldom successfully. The child is usually
brought up by a sister or an aunt.
Cases of marriage resulting from illegitimate pregnancies have occurred
in Bangkhuad more as a result of mild social pressure, than of coercion
on the part of the girl's family. Though illegitimacy stigmatizes the
mother, the child is raised like any other, shown as much love, and is
never teased about his bastardy. It is the girl who has acted
illegitimately. In Bangkhuad, according to the village headmen, there
have been nine such children in the past fifteen years.
Marriage for a young girl is the big occasion in her life, prior to
which, she has had very little status in the community. At the age of
18 or 19, a girl considers herself eligible for marriage and her
behavior changes. She takes more care with her dress and appearance
when she wanders about the village. She may use lipstick, and will
definitely use sweet-smelling hair oil. She spends long periods of time
combing her hair, and may even go to Bangkok for a permanent wave. Her
whole demeanor changes whenever she encounters a potential suitor.
DE: Organized-Vice; Sexual-Stimulation; Premarital-Sex;
Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 548; 832; 836; 839
CNTL: 464
Record 5 of 63
TI: The Santals.
AU: Mukherjea,-Charulal
SOC: Society-Santal-Asia
FOC: Mayurbhanj
TIME: 1933-1939
PUB1: Thoroughly revised second edition. Calcutta: A. Mukherjee and
Company, Private Ltd.
PAGE: 438
DATE: 1962
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
fixed at once a day, till they arrive at their sixtieth year. All
these are considered nothing unusual and such intercourse is not
considered as too frequent.
As regards ritual continence, coitus is stopped during menstruation for
a period of seven days or so. During pregnancy, the Santal gives
up sexual intercourse when the woman is about her fifth month and
resumes it about the third month after child-birth.
So far as the prevalence and censure of sexual deviations are
concerned, we gathered that homosexuality is almost unknown amongst the
Santals. Masturbation is sometimes indulged in by boys while tending
cows in the fields, but not much of attention is paid to these, as such
cases are rare. Bestiality and sodomy are hated as abhorrent to human
nature. Should such cases occur, the guilty ones are fined and a
formal purification ceremony takes place. A Tika Murmu offers
pujas to Maran Buru and parties previously outcasted are taken back to
the tribal-fold after the penance.
DE: Sexual-Intercourse; Homosexuality; Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 833; 838; 839
CNTL: 706
Record 6 of 63
TI: Ashanti law and constitution.
AU: Rattray,-R.S.
SOC: Society-Twi-Africa
FOC: Ashanti
TIME: 1921
PUB1: Oxford: The Clarendon Press.
PAGE: 13
DATE: 1929
TEXT: A son is warned by his father against the evils of masturbation,
owo ne kote afeko (making a pestle of his penis); if he is seen, as a
child, to be too familiar with anyone who stands to him in a prohibited
degree of relationship, he is told 'about the little boy who had his
head cut off for such conduct'.
DE: Sex-Education
OCM: 864
CNTL: 1060
Record 7 of 63
TI: Double descent among the Fanti.
AU: Christensen,-James-Boyd
SOC: Society-Twi-Africa
FOC: Fanti
TIME: 1950-1951
PUB1: New Haven: Human Relations Area Files.
PAGE: 99
DATE: 1952
TEXT: There is no formal sex instruction for boys, and knowledge of the
subject is acquired by listening to the conversation of older children,
and the unwary remarks of adults. Sleeping arrangements often place a
young child in a situation to observe coitus between its parents or
other adults. A boy will be censured for playing with his genitals of
for masturbation, and while both sexes are permitted to play freely
together as children, boys are warned against sexual play with girls
approaching puberty. It is imperative that a father impress upon his
son the necessity of abstaining from premarital sexual relationships,
for if an unmarried boy is found guilty of such conduct, the father or
abusua of the girl involved may sue the father of the boy for
indemnification, This is in accordance with the Fanti belief that since
a boy has the kra and sunsum of his father, the father is responsible
for the conduct of the child. (Cf. Rattray, 1929, pp. 8 ff.; Danquah,
1928, p. 193; and Herskovits, 1937, p. 296.) A son who has been
implicated in several adultery cases may be handed over to his abusua
by his father as incorrigible, and by so doing he releases himself from
further responsibility for the son. The education of a daughter is
discussed above, p.48.
DE: Sex-Offenses-And-Crimes; Premarital-Sex; Extramarital-Sex;
Sex-Education
OCM: 684; 836; 837; 864
CNTL: 1121
Record 8 of 63
TI: The Mbuti Pygmies: An ethnographic survey.
AU: Turnbull,-Colin-M.
SOC: Society-Pygmies-Africa
FOC: Mbuti
TIME: 1951-1955
PUB1: American Museum of Natural History, Anthropological Papers
50(1965): 139-282. New York, American Museum of Natural History.
PAGE: 180
DATE: 1965
TEXT: Schebesta believes that in spite of such supervision there is, in
fact, great premarital freedom, though always outside the bounds of
exogamic prohibition. For the Efe, he records what appears to be a
borrowed custom of making payments to the father of the girl, or to her
mother, either for the privilege of having an affair with their
daughter or as a penalty for being discovered. [See note 1]
[Note 1] Masturbation (ai ofuni), homosexuality (ai bopa), and adultery
are known among the archers, but rarely. Lesbians (dora bopa) are
unknown. Mbuti who practice such behavior are regarded by men with
derision; women have a particular horror of homosexuals.
DE: Sex-Offenses-And-Crimes; Premarital-Sex; Homosexuality;
Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 684; 836; 838; 839
CNTL: 1462
Record 9 of 63
TI: Wayward servants; the two worlds of the African Pygmies.
AU: Turnbull,-Colin-M.
SOC: Society-Pygmies-Africa
FOC: Mbuti
TIME: 1951-1958
PUB1: Garden City, N.Y., The Natural History Press.
PAGE: 121
DATE: 1965
TEXT: This is also a time favored by youths for slipping off into the
forest with their girl friends for some not very quiet lovemaking.
Although lovemaking is not performed openly, no great attempt is made
to conceal it. The general feeling is that if surprised in the act, one
simply says hello (karibu) politely and expects the intruder to
continue on his way. Fathers, and mothers too, refer to the nuisance of
a flirtatious son or daughter whom they might surprise in this way. The
parent pretends to see nothing in such a case, and the youths claim,
with more bravado than truth perhaps, not to be unduly disturbed unless
they are making love to a relative.
Lovemaking generally takes place in the forest, though there is no
fixed rule. It is thought somewhat exciting to make love in a hut, but
not very healthy. There are preferences that individuals have for
making love near a stream, or in a splash of sunlight, or in the dark
depths of the forest. It is evidently a purely aesthetic consideration,
and I have heard a number of youths who stated that the best time was
while hunting. But moonlight evidently attracts a great number, and I
have met several who talk, with great poetry, of the joys of
masturbation when alone in the moonlight. On three rare occasions I
have seen different individuals dancing, by themselves, in the
moonlight and in the forest, away from the camp. The intimacy between
the individual and the forest--one might almost say the act of making
love to the forest--was expressed by one Mbuti who said, when I
questioned him as to why he was dancing alone, that he was dancing with
the forest, dancing with the moon. He then continued his dance with the
utmost unconcern.
Not all Lovemaking is quite so romantic, however, and when boys and
girls are following a trail together, the procession may degenerate
into a good-humored but undeniably lusty orgy. A boy may rip off a
girl's outer bark cloth, if he can catch her, but he may never have
intercourse with her without her permission. I know of no cases of
rape, though boys often talk about their intentions of forcing
reluctant maidens to their will.
There are no formal bachelor huts, but many camps have informal
variants. They are sometimes built for an older youth by his mother, or
they may be taken over by adolescent boys or girls when the occupant
leaves for some reason. In such huts, and even out in the open, around
the campfire, it is usual to see not only youths but also
[Continued next page]
DE: Sexual-Stimulation; Sexual-Intercourse; Premarital-Sex;
Homosexuality; Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 832; 833; 836; 838; 839
CNTL: 1486
Record 10 of 63
TI: Witchcraft (Mangu) among the A-Zande.
AU: Evans-Pritchard,-Edward-Evan
SOC: Society-Azande-Africa
FOC: General
TIME: 1926-1929
PUB1: Sudan Notes and Records, Vol. XII, pp. 163-249. Khartoum:
McCorquodale and Co., Ltd.
PAGE: 174
DATE: 1929
TEXT: It is sufficient here to say that Zande women, especially in
homesteads of chiefs and rich polygamous commoners, often resort to
mutual masturbation, using bananas or manioc, sweet potato roots shaped
with a knife into a phallus, for the purpose. One woman ties the
phallus round her abdomen and inserts it into the vulva of the other
and both push backwards and forwards in simulation of copulation.
DE: Homosexuality; Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 838; 839
CNTL: 1646
Record 11 of 63
TI: Rowanduz: A Kurdish administrative and mercantile center.
AU: Masters,-William-M.
SOC: Society-Kurd-Middle-East
FOC: Rowanduz
TIME: 1951
PUB1: A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the University
of Michigan: Ann Arbor, Michigan.
PAGE: 263
DATE: 1953
TEXT: Sexual education begins early in life, and does not seem to
constitute a disturbing factor until adolescence. There is no standard
parental formula for masturbation, and it was said that "some parents
beat their children for this, and others advise them." It might also be
noted that obscene language is freely permitted in most Kurdish
households, except in the presence of the elder males. One, for
example, heard a mother call her daughter a "prostitute," and a little
girl, who could scarcely appreciate the meaning of the word, addressed
her sister in the same fashion.
DE: Ideas-About-Sexuality; Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior; Sex-Education
OCM: 831; 839; 864
CNTL: 1879
Record 12 of 63
TI: Culture and experience.
AU: Hallowell,-A.-Irving
SOC: Society-Ojibwa-North-America
FOC: Northern-Saulteaux
TIME: 1930-1940
PUB1: Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
PAGE: 256
DATE: 1955
TEXT: Feelings of guilt for past moral transgressions are also the
source of apprehension in a disease situation, since these Indians
believe that sickness may be the result of such transgressions. Again,
it is the fact that an individual does not respond to the usual drug
remedies that precipitates apprehension. The transgressions that fall
in the panel of traditional sins are murder, incest, deceit, and sexual
practices such as masturbation, fellatio, the use of parts of animals
as artificial phalli and bestiality. Confession is the necessary
preliminary to cure when it is thought that sickness is connected with
sin. An interesting aspect of their theory, however, is the belief that
such sins on the part of parents may be source of illness in their
children. Consequently the anxieties aroused in disease situations
where some transgression is believed to be back of the illness, are not
confined to the patient. His parents are likewise suspected and they
may confess sins committed in childhood or adolescence. In a series of
fifteen cases illustrating the transgressions confessed, twelve were
those in which sexual sins were involved (1930a).
DE: Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 839
CNTL: 2585
Record 13 of 63
TI: Culture and experience.
AU: Hallowell,-A.-Irving
SOC: Society-Ojibwa-North-America
FOC: Northern-Saulteaux
TIME: 1930-1940
PUB1: Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
PAGE: 293
DATE: 1955
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
son" and "mother's brother"--"sister's daughter." In the Ojibwa social
structure such persons are also in the potential, or actual,
relationship of "mother-in-law"-"son-in-law" and
"father-in-law"-"daughter-in-law" since there are no special terms for
relatives by marriage. All social interaction between persons in these
categories is hedged about with elaborated restrictions which makes
them extremely self-conscious of the social distance that must be
maintained between them. Among other things, all verbal references to
sexual matters must be strictly avoided when such persons are in each
other's presence. This pattern of avoidance is the antithesis of the
verbal freedom that is permissible between individuals who use the term
ninam.
Sexually approved behavior, then, is defined in terms of the position
which individuals occupy in the social structure and between whom a
certain term is used. These potential mates are of the same generation
in the kinship system. They include one type of actual blood kin,
crosscousins. Since kinship terms are extended throughout the social
world of the individual there are no equivocal cases. These Indians
have patrilineal clans but the rule of clan exogamy automatically
follows when a mate is selected from the proper kinship class.
Stated so abstractly, the culturally phased evaluation of an approved
class of sexual objects looks very simple. In order to bring into
sharper relief the actual nature of the sexual values this society
stresses, I wish to call specific attention to the categories of sexual
objects that are logically excluded.
(a) Persons of the same sex do not use the term that defines
permissible sex relations, so homosexuality is ruled out.
(b) All persons in the usual incestuous categories are also ruled out,
as well as many individuals not related by blood. Since ninam is only
applicable between people of the same kinship generation, this fact
alone makes legitimate sex relations between persons of different
generations impossible. The tabu on sexual relations between close
blood relatives is actually a function of the operation of the social
system as a whole.
(c) Bestiality is a priori rule out.
Turning now to the evaluation of sexual stimulation and gratification
we find (a) That kissing, manipulation of the breasts and oral contact
with them, and coital variations involving genital contacts, are
neutrally evaluated.
(b) That masturbation, (self or mutual), oral-genital contacts, the use
of artificial phalli of any kind, and anal intercourse are negatively
evaluated, and subject to sanction.
It is quite apparent that among these categories of sexual behavior,
genital gratification alone is positively evaluated. Consequently, in
this society, sexual activity is only approved between persons of
opposite sex, occupying a defined position in the social structure, who
use a re-
[Continued next page]
DE: Sexual-Stimulation; Kinship-Regulation-Of-Sex; Homosexuality;
Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 832; 835; 838; 839
CNTL: 2593
Record 14 of 63
TI: Culture and experience.
AU: Hallowell,-A.-Irving
SOC: Society-Ojibwa-North-America
FOC: Northern-Saulteaux
TIME: 1930-1940
PUB1: Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
PAGE: 295
DATE: 1955
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
and his step-daughter) and ten instances of brother-sister incest. Of
these there was one actual marriage between a brother and a sister and
three instances in which the persons were classificatory siblings
(parallel cousins). In addition, there were three cases in which the
severe tabu upon sex relations between individuals in the kinship
category father's sister-brother's son was violated and one in which
the parallel relationship between mother's brother-sister's daughter
was breached. Only a single case of incest between a man and his
mother's sister was recorded and one involving a grandfather and
granddaughter. Bestiality includes reputed relations of men with the
following animals: dog, moose, bear, beaver, caribou, and porcupine;
and a woman with a dog.
Under the second category, forbidden types of technics of
gratification, my cases include: masturbation (self and mutual),
fellatio, the use of a sucker's bladder, a caribou penis and a mink as
artificial phalli, and anal intercourse. Mutual masturbation is found
in homosexual context, fellatio in both heterosexual and homosexual
context; the artificial phalli in both, but anal intercourse in a
heterosexual context alone.
Modal Patterns of Sex Behavior.--A rather sharply defined sexual
dichotomy is characteristic of northern Ojibwa society. This is not
only apparent in the division of labor in economic tasks; it applies to
prerogatives of all kinds. Leadership of ceremonies and specialized
services, like curing and conjuring, that require supernatural
validation, all fall to the men. In aboriginal days boys were sent out
in the woods to fast before they reached puberty in order to obtain
blessings from supernatural spirits; girls were isolated at menarche
but this isolation was not connected with the acquisition of guardian
spirits. Men were the approved mediators between the supernatural world
and mankind.
Male dominance is culturally supported in this society. This is made
evident throughout a wide range of attitudes and behavior. Women are
supposed to be self-effacing. Self-assertion and mastery are reputed to
be male characteristics. Yet it should be noted that the women chop and
haul wood the year round, take entire charge of the building of wigwams
and carry infants, bound to heavy cradle boards, upon their backs, in
addition to performing all other domestic tasks. Physically, they are
as strong and robust as the men.
Yet, so far as sex is concerned, they play an almost completely passive
role in the sexual act itself. As one Indian, who had had some
experience with white women expressed it to me, "An Indian women never
helps you." The passive role of women in sexual activity is likewise
indicated by the fact that the verb applied to the hunting of animals
is commonly used by men when speaking of the pursuit of a girl. And
this association between animal and woman appears in one of the dreams
I collected. A hunter dreamed of a beautiful girl approaching him.
Waking up, he interpreted this dream as meaning that an animal had been
caught
[Continued next page]
DE: Sexual-Intercourse; General-Sex-Restrictions;
Kinship-Regulation-Of-Sex; Homosexuality; Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 833; 834; 835; 838; 839
CNTL: 2595
Record 15 of 63
TI: Culture and experience.
AU: Hallowell,-A.-Irving
SOC: Society-Ojibwa-North-America
FOC: Northern-Saulteaux
TIME: 1930-1940
PUB1: Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
PAGE: 304
DATE: 1955
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
whereupon the "husband" makes an insulting remark about her vulva as an
excuse for not inserting "his" penis. Since masturbation is likewise
disapproved, this tale is full of forbidden sexual conduct. Finally,
the heroine is discovered and killed by her real husband. This
denouement points a moral consistent with the values assumed in actual
conduct. The heroine is bad not only because of her sexual
transgressions; she had deceived her husband and other people and
deserted her own children, so her fate is thoroughly deserved as a
penalty for bad conduct.
The occurrence of anal intercourse in the myths presents a more
complicated problem. In two instances, its occurrence is purely
symbolic. Impregnation takes place by blowing upon the anus. In other
cases, however, a transvestite-homosexual theme appears. But the hero
is not a human being but Wisakedjak, the trickster-culture hero. He is
reputed to be always doing things backwards. In the narrative
Wisakedjak disguises himself as a woman, marries, and anal intercourse
takes place. Wisakedjak poses as a stranger and tells "her" husband
that this mode of intercourse is customary in the locality from which
"she" comes. The mythological dramatization of what is forbidden
conduct in real life is thought uproariously funny. I am reminded, in
this connection, of a long conversation I once had with an old Indian
about sexual vagaries. At one point he remarked that it was best to
laugh at all such things. The myth referred to affords just such an
opportunity. Since anal humor of all kinds is quite characteristic of
these Indians, the occurrence of anal intercourse in myth and the
attitude towards it points to a strand in the personality structure of
the Ojibwa that is deeply rooted. We also find in myth an account of
how sexual intercourse itself was accidentally discovered by
Wisakedjak. And his extremely long penis is dramatized to humorous
effect. But there are anecdotes from real life about men who had sex
organs of unusual size that were instrumental in bringing grief to
girls. It is also interesting to note the remarkable correlation
between the kind of animals "wives" with whom men mate in myths and the
animals with whom actual bestiality is reported. The porcupine is the
most striking example.
Sexual themes in myth and tale and sexual behavior and attitudes in
actual life are related. They are part of one culturally constituted
behaviorial world. The many connections that exist are complex but
their full psychological significance cannot be understood except by
probing beneath the surface of overt behavior.
Personality Structure and Psychosexual Adjustment.--In this paper I
have discussed the problem of psychosexual adjustment chiefly from the
standpoint of the cultural evaluation of sexual conduct in relation to
the social order and its sanctions. The actual dynamics of social
organization is ill-conceived, however, if some account is not taken of
the fact that the individuals who interact in particular ways, behave
thus because they have been psychologically structured for living and
acting
[Continued next page]
DE: Ideas-About-Sexuality; Sexual-Intercourse;
General-Sex-Restrictions; Homosexuality; Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 831; 833; 834; 838; 839
CNTL: 2604
Record 16 of 63
TI: Culture and experience.
AU: Hallowell,-A.-Irving
SOC: Society-Ojibwa-North-America
FOC: Northern-Saulteaux
TIME: 1930-1940
PUB1: Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
PAGE: 425
DATE: 1955
TEXT: [Chapter 16, Note 4] Early inquiries I made led to the complete
denial of masturbation. I was told that Indian boys knew nothing about
it until they were segregated in boarding schools, away from the
reservation. Later, confessed cases of masturbation obtained from
native doctors, along with other types of sexual transgression, proved
the inadequacy of my original approach to the subject. Kinsey's data on
the incidence and frequency of masturbation in the American population
makes it appear reasonable that if we had quantitative data for these
Indians it would be comparable in the pre-marital period at least to
lower, rather than upper, level males. For in both groups there are the
common factors of a strong tabu on the one hand and the tolerance of
heterosexual intercourse on the other hand.
DE: Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 839
CNTL: 2606
Record 17 of 63
TI: Sun Chief; the autobiography of a Hopi Indian.
AU: Talayesva,-Don-C.
SOC: Society-Hopi-North-America
FOC: Oraibi
TIME: 1890-1940
PUB1: Edited by Leo W. Simmons. New Haven, Yale University Press.
PAGE: 337
DATE: 1942
TEXT: Once when Norman did not want to herd on account of bad weather,
he was persuaded to drive the horses to the wash for water. In the
afternoon I took them out and hobbled them, and, returning to the
village, entered Claude James's store where a group of men and boys
were talking about women. The Chief was telling about his private life,
how he used to work on the Santa Fe Railroad, made plenty of money, and
spent it on women. He was giving all the details of love-making. Norman
was there and was what I call a greenhorn on this subject. But he was
learning, for he was leaning forward to hear every word, and he had his
mouth and eyes wide open-filling himself with jokes.
Some time later I found two large pieces of cardboard in the kiva where
Norman slept with other boys. On them were vivid drawings of the sex
act and examples of masturbation. I teased Norman about the pictures
and asked him to name the artist. We had a good laugh, and he said,
"Don't let any white man see them." I had never caught him
masturbating. If I do some time, I shall warn him that the white
doctors say it will ruin his mind and health, but the Hopi doctors
doubt it; and that they are probably right.
I soon heard that Norman was writing love letters to the schoolgirls
and that he had a special friend with whom he slipped out at night. I
hoped the girl would not get a baby too soon and wondered whether I
should advise him to see her in private only
[Continued next page]
DE: Premarital-Sex; Sex-Education
OCM: 836; 864
CNTL: 2865
Record 18 of 63
TI: The psychosocial analysis of a Hopi life-history.
AU: Aberle,-David-Friend
SOC: Society-Hopi-North-America
FOC: Hopi
TIME: No-date
PUB1: Comparative Psychology Monographs, 21, no. 1. Berkeley and Los
Angeles, University of California Press.
PAGE: 22
DATE: 1951
TEXT: Childhood masturbation is a matter of no concern to Hopi parents.
[See note 47] Adults and older children casually play with the genitals
of young male children (D. Eggan, 22, p. 365). Children are not
formally instructed in sexual matters in childhood, but a child's
public imitation of what he saw in the sleeping room creates no
disturbance. [See note 48] Children, however, are warned against
heterosexual relations. They are told that young girls can bear
children, but that the bearing of a child by a young girl would bring
the world to an end. Boys are warned that heterosexual relations will
bring about premature old age (Dennis, 15, p. 78). (There seems to be a
contradiction here: on the one hand it said that there is
[Continued next page]
[Note 47] D. Eggan (22, p. 365) and E. and P. Beaglehole (6, p. 39).
See also Stephen (61, pp. 388-389) for an example of favorable parental
attitudes toward infant and child masturbation.
[Note 48] D. Eggan (22, p. 365). Nevertheless, E. and P. Beaglehole (6,
p. 41) report the case of a girl who was ignorant of the fact of
copulation until the age of thirteen.
DE: Sex-Education
OCM: 864
CNTL: 2874
Record 19 of 63
TI: The psychosocial analysis of a Hopi life-history.
AU: Aberle,-David-Friend
SOC: Society-Hopi-North-America
FOC: Hopi
TIME: No-date
PUB1: Comparative Psychology Monographs, 21, no. 1. Berkeley and Los
Angeles, University of California Press.
PAGE: 32
DATE: 1951
TEXT: Don was four years old before anyone did anything about his
bed-wetting but warn him to stop it. No one tried to shame him.
Finally, he was doused with icy water. There is no mention of anal
training in the early years. Similarly, there is no reference to a
masturbation taboo. On the contrary, Don's crippled uncle, Naquima,
used to amuse Don by playing with the boy's genitals. This man was one
of Don's most beloved relatives. He seldom punished Don, often shielded
him, and suffered his nephew's occasional blows.
DE: Sex-Education
OCM: 864
CNTL: 2876
Record 20 of 63
TI: The psychosocial analysis of a Hopi life-history.
AU: Aberle,-David-Friend
SOC: Society-Hopi-North-America
FOC: Hopi
TIME: No-date
PUB1: Comparative Psychology Monographs, 21, no. 1. Berkeley and Los
Angeles, University of California Press.
PAGE: 46
DATE: 1951
TEXT: 6. SEXUAL EXPERIENCE AND COURTSHIP
Don's sexual education and experience in childhood had built up the
idea that sex was important, interesting, dangerous, but had given him
no idea that it was sinful. Castration threats by his "grandfathers,"
the husbands of paternal aunts, and genital manipulation by his elders
have been mentioned. At first Don had difficulty in believing that the
threats were only intended to tease him. As time went on, and the
sexual overtures of the aunts and threats of their husbands continued,
Don considered that his "grandfathers" made him feel that his penis
"was the most important part of my body".
As a child Don had a severe fright when an unmarried clan mother of his
forced him into sexual contact with her. She was menstruating, and he
was terrified to find blood on his penis. He did not have an orgasm.
His mother was also upset at this event, but only because it was a clan
mother who was involved-a forbidden degree of relationship.
Sexual experimentation with a hen, on the other hand, he apparently
enjoyed. Other playmates, he says, had made similar experiments.
In the kiva, Don heard stories of men's sexual success, and of love
magic which would force a woman to come to a man. But along with these
interesting tales he heard the story of the girls with the toothed
vaginas. [See note 41] He was about eight at this time.
Don does not mention masturbation or masturbation taboo in his account
of his childhood. Bestiality was apparently regarded with no guilt.
Don approached sexual maturity. At school he learned that according to
the moral code of the whites boys and girls must not appear naked
before one another. He also saw the severe punishment of older boys and
girls for sleeping together while at the Keams Canyon school. This was
when he was eleven and twelve. The impress of American education was
sufficient to keep him from swimming naked with girls but was not
strong enough to prevent his making an apparently incomplete attempt at
heterosexual relations when he was thirteen. A few months later, on his
return to school, he rejected the homosexual overtures of another boy,
an incident which he relates in a very matter-of-fact manner.
[Continued next page]
[Note 41] See Stephen (60, pp. 28-30) for a version of this story.
DE: Kinship-Regulation-Of-Sex; Premarital-Sex; Homosexuality;
Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior; Sex-Education
OCM: 835; 836; 838; 839; 864
CNTL: 2877
Record 21 of 63
TI: The psychosocial analysis of a Hopi life-history.
AU: Aberle,-David-Friend
SOC: Society-Hopi-North-America
FOC: Hopi
TIME: No-date
PUB1: Comparative Psychology Monographs, 21, no. 1. Berkeley and Los
Angeles, University of California Press.
PAGE: 47
DATE: 1951
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
His voice began to change and pubic hair developed when he was about
fifteen, and his interest in girls began to be more marked. At the same
time, he commenced having dreams which were to bother him for some
years; of a girl who turned out to be a boy when he tried to make love
to her. These dreams made him think that "an evil spirit had played a
bad joke on me." They recurred in wet dreams when he was about
seventeen, and made him wonder if he would be unlucky in getting girls.
As it turned out, he was not. [See note 42]
There was some conflict over masturbation during adolescence. A
Y.M.C.A. book which he read when he was seventeen told him that it
would ruin his health and cause insanity. The Hopi boys in school
continued to masturbate, in spite of this, and did not even mind being
seen doing so. Don himself inhibited masturbation somewhat, because "I
did not want to lose my strength." It is probable that the source of
this idea was "white" culture rather than Hopi. Dennis mentions only
efforts to keep children from heterosexual experimentation, not to
prevent masturbation. Boys are warned that too early heterosexual
activity will cause them to be dwarfed, and will make them prematurely
aged (Dennis, 15, p.78).
Thus, though white schooling set up some conflict over masturbation,
Don's concern with it and with homosexual dreams does not indicate the
severe conflict over these problems experienced by many boys in
American society.
Heterosexual experience, similarly, occasioned less severe difficulties
than are typical for middle-class whites. In the three years between
his first complete heterosexual experience and his return to the Hopi
country Don had many brief liaisons. The first began at Keams Canyon
school, when he was sixteen, and continued until he and the girl were
sent to Riverside. This first affair [See Note 43] was complicated by
his discovery that the girl, Louise, was the daughter of a clan
brother, and hence normally would not be a suitable marriage partner.
Although marriages into the father's clan sometimes take place, they
are rare, and Don feared that her relatives would object. It is curious
that he did not check her clan affiliations before the relationship
began.
Don informed the superintendent that he intended to marry Louise and
that hence "it was my right to have intercourse with her. I was not
afraid to say this because I knew that for Hopi lovers who are engaged
this is the proper thing. The superintendent agreed partly ... "
but pointed out that Louise must leave school if she became pregnant.
Don fulfilled his obligations as a Hopi lover by giving her presents.
The relationship broke up on the first day of Don's life at Sherman.
Two factors were responsible. He became much attracted, on the day of
his arrival, to Dezba, a Navaho girl, with whom he continued a liaison
throughout most of the first school year. At the same time, he became
convinced that Louise's mother's younger sister, who was at Sherman,
strongly disapproved of the match. "This made me think I had better drop
[Continued next page]
[Note 42] The problem of Don's possible latent homosexuality, commented
on by Kluckhohn (28, p. 98), falls outside the primary interests of
this study.
[Note 43] This is the first complete heterosexual contact Don mentions.
His phrasing, however, might indicate that there had been earlier ones:
"It was the first time that I had found and given real pleasure in
love-making".
DE: Premarital-Sex; Homosexuality; Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 836; 838; 839
CNTL: 2878
Record 22 of 63
TI: The psychosocial analysis of a Hopi life-history.
AU: Aberle,-David-Friend
SOC: Society-Hopi-North-America
FOC: Hopi
TIME: No-date
PUB1: Comparative Psychology Monographs, 21, no. 1. Berkeley and Los
Angeles, University of California Press.
PAGE: 51
DATE: 1951
TEXT: There was a clash between what he believed was the proper
attitude toward heterosexual activity and masturbation, and what the
school authorities believed. Nevertheless, though life was somewhat
clouded by "fear of sin or a rawhide," his first sex experience as an
adolescent appears to have been unaccompanied by the revulsion,
disgust, fear, or guilt which often typify the event for middle-class
American boys. And he carried out normal Hopi courtship patterns: many
affairs, payment, and full sex relations, in spite of the limitations
created by school conditions.
DE: Sex-Education
OCM: 864
CNTL: 2880
Record 23 of 63
TI: Ideal norms and social control in Tarahumara society.
AU: Fried,-Jacob
SOC: Society-Tarahumara-North-America
FOC: General
TIME: 1950-1951
PUB1: A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of
Yale University in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
New Haven.
PAGE: 150
DATE: 1951
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
of sexual matters. Children have ample opportunity, to observe the
behavior of adults during tesguinadas held in their houses. Girls at
the Indian school of Sisoguichic stated that mothers taught them to be
'ashamed' in the presence of men, not to engage in conversation with
them, and not to go off with them alone into the mountains or secluded
places.
Masturbation by boys was acknowledged by all informants. No particular
sentiment against this practice was voiced. There is a joking attitude
taken toward it and it is not considered harmful.
DE: Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior; Sex-Education
OCM: 839; 864
CNTL: 2922
Record 24 of 63
TI: Philippine pagans: The autobiographies of three Ifugaos.
AU: Barton,-Roy-Franklin
SOC: Society-Ifugao-Asia
FOC: Balitang
TIME: 1937
PUB1: London, George Routledge and Sons.
PAGE: 10
DATE: 1938
TEXT: Throughout my eight and a half years in Ifugaoland my house was a
boys' agamang. The youngsters came in at dusk without any
by-your-leave, would help my houseboys with their chores if asked to,
would scuffle with each other, romp and banter for a while, would quiet
down a bit when tired, lie on the floor, scuffle again and play pranks
with each other's bodies, tell stories and obscene jokes, and finally
fall asleep, several under one blanket. Masturbation and sexual
perversions are absent--at least I am sure about the latter. There is
no positive evidence for the former and no word for either. I do not
doubt, however, that at puberty a boy sometimes reaches orgasm against
the body of another boy. The carryings on in the boy's agamang are such
as to stimulate sex-hunger, while as for little girls in the mixed
agamang--they receive a complete education long before they require it.
At puberty or soon after, the boy begins to visit the mixed agamang.
How heedless and promiscuous are the sexual relations in the mixed
agamang, the reader will see for himself in the pages that follow. If
pregnancy results from a liaison there, marriage follows as a matter of
course. It is inconceivable to the Ifugao that a boy should not marry
the mother of his child unless
[Continued next page]
DE: Premarital-Sex; Homosexuality; Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 836; 838; 839
CNTL: 3048
Record 25 of 63
TI: The eternal ones of the dream: A psychoanalytic interpretation of
Australian myth and ritual.
AU: Roheim,-Geza
SOC: Society-Aranda-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: No-date
PUB1: New York: International Universities Press.
PAGE: 94
DATE: 1945
TEXT: There is an intimate connection between the use of blood and the
use of birds' down, for blood is the glue that is used to stick the
bird's down to the body. We can only understand the significance of
this if we know how it is stuck on the body. The glue that is used is
blood, and the blood is derived from the subincised penis. In order to
make the blood spurt forth, the penis must be in a state of
semi-erection. This aim is attained by a form of masturbation peculiar
to subincised people; they pull away at the skin where it has been cut
open at the urethra till the erection takes place. Then they use a
little stick or a tiny stone knife to prick the subincision opening and
the blood gushes forth either to cover their own body or that of
another man who kneels down to receive it. 'The remarkable thing about
Aranda ritual is the transparency of the secondary mechanism. It is all
so simple. We have two types of group activities. In one case we have a
dance followed by incestuous intercourse. In the other case
masturbation followed by a dance with a strict taboo on women.' [See
note 7] The obvious inference is that the process of
[Note 7] Roheim, op. cit., p. 65.
repression has been at work. At the corroboree phase the infantile
incest fantasies are, with certain displacements, authorized and
accepted by the group. In the second phase women disappear from the
ceremonial ground, coitus, is replaced by a 'sacred' aim and by the
group masturbation of the men. This interpretation is borne out by the
existence of the quasi-onanistic 'joking' custom mentioned above in
connection with the symbolic meaning of the tjurunga, and by the fact
that the group masturbation of the men as an actual custom is found in
the same area, and by rites of type 3, in which the connection of the
rite with masturbation and incest fantasies is quite manifest. When the
men sit around the camp fire talking they will masturbate mutually and
talk about the size of each other's penis. This is practised especially
by cross-cousins. Two watjira (cross-cousins) stand together pulling
the skin down and pressing the penis with the hand to make it grow big.
One of them says, 'You have a big one! ' The other replies, 'No, yours
is big, you might kill her when you cohabit.' Or one of them says, 'I
have a little one.' The other replies, 'No, yours
[Continued next page]
DE: Body-Alteration; Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 304; 839
CNTL: 3410
Record 26 of 63
TI: The eternal ones of the dream: A psychoanalytic interpretation of
Australian myth and ritual.
AU: Roheim,-Geza
SOC: Society-Aranda-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: No-date
PUB1: New York: International Universities Press.
PAGE: 95
DATE: 1945
TEXT: It is evident that here we have a transition form between
masturbation and ritual. Ritual is collective, this is done by a man
alone. The myth contains the fantasy which induces the erection; coitus
of a father with his daughter. The stone rubbed on the rock
[Continued next page]
DE: Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 839
CNTL: 3413
Record 27 of 63
TI: The eternal ones of the dream: A psychoanalytic interpretation of
Australian myth and ritual.
AU: Roheim,-Geza
SOC: Society-Aranda-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: No-date
PUB1: New York: International Universities Press.
PAGE: 96
DATE: 1945
TEXT: A striking transition form between ritual and masturbation or
fantasy coitus without a woman has been described by Basedow. 'On the
shores of Cambridge Gulf a grotesque dance is performed by the men
during which a flat wooden phallus is used, shaped almost like a
tjurunga, about seventeen inches long and three wide in the middle. It
is painted in alternate bands of red and black running transversely
across the two flat surfaces which are in addition decorated with the
carved representations of the male organ in generation. The dance takes
place at night. The performers stamp their feet about ten times in
succession, the action suggesting running without making any headway.
Presently and with one accord the whole party falls upon the knees. The
phallus is seized with both hands and held against the pubes in an
erect position and so the party slides over the ground from left to
right and again from right to left. An unmistakably suggestive act
follows when the men jerk their shoulders and lean forward in a
semi-prone position after the fashion generally adopted by the
aborigines. Still upon their knees the men lay the phallus upon the
ground and shuffle sideways, hither and thither, but always facing the
object in front of them. After several repetitions of this interact the
performers raise their hands in which they are now carrying small tufts
of grass or twigs and flourish them above their heads, while their
bodies remain prone. Then follow some lithe but at the same time very
significant movements of the hips. When presently they rise to their
feet again the phallus are once more reclaimed and held with the
pointed ends against the pubes in an erect position. A wild dance
concludes the ceremony during which the men become
[Continued next page]
DE: Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 839
CNTL: 3415
Record 28 of 63
TI: The eternal ones of the dream: A psychoanalytic interpretation of
Australian myth and ritual.
AU: Roheim,-Geza
SOC: Society-Aranda-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: No-date
PUB1: New York: International Universities Press.
PAGE: 157
DATE: 1945
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
connection with the kneeling father: (1) a tea tree arises to mark the
spot; (2) a ceremonial pole is erected where the old man kneels. The
theme of the dream is the primal scene, ritually dramatized by the
kneeling and the alknantama.
But the dream teaches other things as well. We see series formation or
fission at work: many alknarintja women represent the one mother.
Another method of dealing with the primal scene tension is
masturbation, indicated by the string-making and the rubbing movements
of the dreamer. The tendency is to avoid the father conflict by fantasy
identification with the mother. For is he not one of the alknarintja
women? This is a double negation of the primal scene conflict situation
because (a) he is not a male; (b) he is one of the women who refuse to
have intercourse.
The dream-scene also illustrates the psychology of initiation. The
whole ritual setting of the dream shows old Jirramba as a young
Jirramba once more. He is being initiated: the great mystery, the
primal scene, is revealed to him. All illpangura rites are shown to the
novice by the old men, either at initiation or as chips off the big
block as a kind of fractioned initiation that lasts all through life.
The end of the dream is dreamt in a purely mythological style: They all
cling to the ceremonial pole (paternal penis) and sink into the earth.
He describes how soft the earth was where he went in, how good it was
to sink into it, and how he felt tjipa tjipa. To be tjipa tjipa means
to he happy, a state of rapturous delight, ecstasy, as for instance in
coitus. They go into the earth, they are tjipa tjipa and they become
tjurunga. After the phallic interpretation of the tjurunga we have
given in the first chapter we must say, this is what we expected. The
dreamer is the child partaking in the primal scene between father and
mother and becoming tjipa tjipa-with both parents. [See note 4]
[Note 4] Cf. Roheim, 'Sexual Life in Central Australia', Internat.
Journ. of Psa., XIII, pp. 49-53. Also, Riddle of the Sphinx, p. 119.
DE: Ideas-About-Sexuality
OCM: 831
CNTL: 3425
Record 29 of 63
TI: The eternal ones of the dream: A psychoanalytic interpretation of
Australian myth and ritual.
AU: Roheim,-Geza
SOC: Society-Aranda-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: No-date
PUB1: New York: International Universities Press.
PAGE: 161
DATE: 1945
TEXT: A totemic ceremony is an andatta ceremony. The glue needed for
sticking the andatta (birds' down) to the body is blood derived from
the subincised penis; which means that the preliminary to every totemic
ceremony is masturbation. [See note 15] Blood-letting is
[Note 15] See p. 160.
a prominent feature of increase ritual, and as the fertilizing blood is
obtained from the penis the obvious conclusion is that the outpouring
of blood symbolizes the effusion of semen. [See note 16] A rock at
Undiara is regarded as the knanindja (= totemic origin) stone of
[Note 16] Cf. Roheim, Australian Totemism, p. 222.
the kangaroo. A special kangaroo was killed by the kangaroo men and its
body deposited in the cave close by the waterhole. Subsequently a rock
ledge arose to mark the spot and this rock is full of the spirit parts
of kangaroo, while the waterhole close by is inhabited by the spirit
parts of kangaroo men and women. 'The purpose of the ceremony at the
present day is by means of pouring out the blood of kangaroo man [sic]
upon the rock, to drive out in all directions the kurunas (souls) of
the kangaroo animals and so to increase the number of animals. The
spirit kangaroo enters the female kangaroo in just the same way in
which the spirit kangaroo man enters the kangaroo woman.' [See note 17]
[Note 17] Spencer and Gillen, The Arunta, I, p. 84.
DE: Body-Alteration; Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 304; 839
CNTL: 3434
Record 30 of 63
TI: Women and their life in central Australia.
AU: Roheim,-Geza
SOC: Society-Aranda-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: 1929
PUB1: Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain
and Ireland, Vol. LXIII, pp. 207-265. London.
PAGE: 238
DATE: 1933
TEXT: When they were asked to describe the sensation of coitus they
indicated it by a concentric progressive or spiral movement of the
finger, and compared it to an increasing itching with a sudden relief
in the orgasm. A frequent form of fore-pleasure is mutual masturbation;
the girl rubs the man's penis and he rubs her clitoris. If the man is
young and healthy, they will cohabit from three to five times in one
night, but never without having slept between two successive
copulations. The woman (Morica says) often puts the penis to her face,
or performs a fellation.
We have dwelt so much on the male-female, viz., active-passive contrast
on the idea of coitus as rape that we are in danger of confusing the
official attitude with the universal. Although the woman resists the
attempts of the man, and has to be forced into marriage, she very often
has the initiative in actual married life.
According to Chinche-wara, it is usually the woman who asks for coitus,
but then she is old, and is probably thinking of the latter half of her
life. According to Morica, the inverted position occurs frequently.
Although it always takes persuasion of some sort for the woman to enter
married life, this persuasion is not always a matter of brute force.
Indeed, if one reads the description of the marriage ceremony as given
by Spencer and Strehlow, the element of brute force seems to be
completely absent.
DE: Sexual-Intercourse
OCM: 833
CNTL: 3530
Record 31 of 63
TI: The sexual life of savages in northwestern Melanesia.
AU: Malinowski,-Bronislaw
SOC: Society-Trobriands-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: 1914-1920
PUB1: Vol. I and II. New York: Horace Liveright.
PAGE: 340
DATE: 1929
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
momona is also applied to (male or female) nocturnal pollution. The
word for onanistic ejaculation is istilumomoini, "it boils over sexual
fluid." Male masturbation is called ikivayli kwila "he manipulates
penis"; female masturbation is described in concrete phrases and has no
specific name.
An interesting personal account was given to me by Monakewo and
illustrates some of the points just mentioned. It was hardly discreet
of him to speak of his mistress by name; but the ethnographer's love
for the concrete instance may excuse my not emending it.
Bamasisi
deli
Dabugera; bayobobu,
I sleep together
Dabugera; I embrace,
bavakayla
bavayauli. Tanunu
dubilibaloda,
I hug, all length, I rub
noses. We suck lower lips ours,
pela
bi'uluwalayda;
mayela tanunu;
because we feel
excited;
tongue his we suck;
tagadi kabulula;
tagadi kala gabula; tagadi
we bite nose his; we
bite his chin; we bite
kimwala;
takabi
posigala,
jaw (cheek) his; we take hold (caress) armpit his,
visiyala.
Bilivala
minana:
"O didakwani,
groin his. She
says this
woman: "O it itches,
lubaygu,
senela;
kworikikila
lover mine, very much
indeed;
rub and push
tuvala,
bilukwali
wowogu-
again, it feels
pleasant
body mine-
[Continued next page]
DE: Sexual-Intercourse; Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 833; 839
CNTL: 3773
Record 32 of 63
TI: The sexual life of savages in northwestern Melanesia.
AU: Malinowski,-Bronislaw
SOC: Society-Trobriands-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: 1914-1920
PUB1: Vol. I and II. New York: Horace Liveright.
PAGE: 469
DATE: 1929
TEXT: THE CENSURE OF SEXUAL ABERRATIONS
The widest class of sexual activity excluded from native life is that
comprising, aberrations of the sexual impulse (No. 1 of the list in
sec. 2). The natives regard such practices as bestiality, homosexual
love and intercourse, fetishism, exhibitionism and masturbation as but
poor substitutes for the natural act, and therefore as bad and only
worthy of fools. Such practices are a subject for derision, tolerant or
scathing according to mood, for ribald jokes and for funny
stories. Transgressions are rather whipped by public contempt
than controlled by definite legal sanctions. No penalties are attached
to them, nor are they believed to have any ill results on health. Nor
would a native ever use the word taboo (bomala) when speaking of them,
for it would be an insult thus to assume that any sane person would
like to commit them. To ask a man seriously whether he had indulged in
such practices would deeply wound his vanity and self-regard, as well
as shock his natural inclination.
[Continued next page]
DE: Homosexuality; Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 838; 839
CNTL: 3861
Record 33 of 63
TI: The sexual life of savages in northwestern Melanesia.
AU: Malinowski,-Bronislaw
SOC: Society-Trobriands-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: 1914-1920
PUB1: Vol. I and II. New York: Horace Liveright.
PAGE: 475
DATE: 1929
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
release Moniyala signed on for plantation work abroad and stayed on the
mainland of New Guinea for several years. When he came back he was able
to brazen it out; but everybody seems to think that, in old days, he
would have committed suicide. The natives agree that a dog is worse
than a pig, the former being the uncleaner animal.
Sadism and masochism.--Whether these complementary perversions play a
large part in the sexual life of the natives I am unable to say. The
cruel forms of caress-scratching, biting, spitting--to which a man has
to submit to a greater extent even than the woman, show that, as
elements in eroticism, they are not absent from native lovemaking. On
the other hand, flagellation as an erotic practice is entirely unknown;
and the idea that cruelty, actively given or passively accepted, could
lead, of itself alone, to pleasant detumescence is incomprehensible,
nay ludicrous, to the natives. I should say, therefore, that these
perversions do not exist in a crystallized form.
Fellatio.--This is probably practised in the intimacy of love-making
(see above, ch. x, sec. 12). Receiving my information exclusively from
men, I was told that no male would touch the female genitals in this
manner, but, at the same time, I was assured that penilinctus was
extensively practised. I do not feel convinced, however, of the truth
of this masculine version. The expression, ikanumwasi kalu momona,
"lapping up the sexual discharges," designates both forms of fellatio.
Masturbation (ikivayni kwila: "he manipulates penis," isulumomoni: "he
makes semen boil over") is a recognized practice often referred to in
jokes. The natives
[Continued next page]
DE: Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 839
CNTL: 3867
Record 34 of 63
TI: The sexual life of savages in northwestern Melanesia.
AU: Malinowski,-Bronislaw
SOC: Society-Trobriands-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: 1914-1920
PUB1: Vol. I and II. New York: Horace Liveright.
PAGE: 476
DATE: 1929
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
maintain, however, that it would be done only by an idiot (tonagowa) or
one of the unfortunate albinos, or one defective in speech; in other
words, only by those who cannot obtain favours from women. The practice
is therefore regarded as undignified and unworthy of a man, but in a
rather amused and entirely indulgent manner. Exactly the same attitude
is adopted towards female masturbation (ikivayni wila: "she manipulates
cunnus"; ibasi wila o yamala: "she pierces vagina with her hand")
Nocturnal pollutions and dreams have already been mentioned (see ch.
xii, sec. I). They are regarded, as we know, as the result of magic and
a proof of its effectiveness.
Exhibitionism is regarded by the natives with genuine contempt and
disgust: this has already been made clear in the above description of
the manner of dressing and the careful adjustment of the male pubic
leaf and feminine grass skirt.
In the treatment of these deviations of the sexual impulse, it is
impossible to draw a rigid line between the use of certain
practice--such as fellatio, passionate and exuberant caresses, interest
in the genitals--when they are used as preliminary and preparatory
sexual approaches on the one hand, and as definite perversions on the
other. The best criterion is whether they function as a part of
courting, leading up to normal copulation, or whether they are
sufficient by themselves for the production of detumescence. It is well
to remember in this context that the nervous excitability of the
natives is much less than ours, and their sexual imagination is
relatively very
[Continued next page]
DE: Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 839
CNTL: 3868
Record 35 of 63
TI: Fijian frontier.
AU: Thompson,-Laura
SOC: Society-Lau-Oceania
FOC: Kambara
TIME: 1933-1934
PUB1: Studies of the Pacific, No. 4. San Francisco: American Council,
Institute of Pacific Relations.
PAGE: 44
DATE: 1940
TEXT: Now comes a difficult period for the boy. From the age of about
seven until his initiation between eight and thirteen years, his life
is uncomfortable. He is ignored, teased, tormented and overworked. He
is called by the degrading, humorous, obscene term pilo (pronounced pi
lo), and a pilo he is in the eyes of the whole community.
A pilo is neither child nor man. He is no longer allowed to play in
mixed gangs, and yet he is still excluded from all the interesting
masculine activities of his father and older brothers --the preparation
of food for the earth oven, sailing, house and canoe building, adult
games, and love affairs. His growing masculinity brings about bars that
separate him from girls of all ages. Women are inaccessible to him for
they bestow their favors upon the initiated. The idea of an affair with
a pilo is quite ridiculous to them. Yet he is not a man, and he is
definitely separated from circumcised youths and older men. He is
thwarted and he suffers from feelings of inferiority, becomes self
conscious, awkward, silent, and retiring. His plight is highly amusing
to the community, especially to the young women and swaggering
initiated youths who amuse themselves by ridiculing and spurning him.
The only emotional outlet for boys of this age is in masturbation or
homosexual relationships with other pilos. Such relationships are
absent among men, according to both male and female informants.
DE: Homosexuality; Sex-Education
OCM: 838; 864
CNTL: 4006
Record 36 of 63
TI: Truk: Man in paradise.
AU: Gladwin,-Thomas; Sarason,-Seymour-B.
SOC: Society-Truk-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: 1947-1951
PUB1: Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, No. 20. New York:
Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, Incorporated
(copyright 1954).
PAGE: 89
DATE: 1953
TEXT: The child is also disciplined for any sexual activity. While idle
fingering of the genitals is not stopped until the child can talk,
active masturbation begins to be discouraged even before this time.
Once the child is felt to be able to understand any such activity is
dealt with severely. Heterosexual experimentation does not begin until
later, probably not until shortly before puberty. It appears that most
children of this age have experimented to some degree, but not many are
caught at it. When they are they are disciplined but it is important to
note that the reason given is not that it is inherently bad; rather it
is not good for a child and will make him sick. The child is told to
wait until he has reached puberty and then it will be all right.
[Continued next page]
DE: Sex-Education
OCM: 864
CNTL: 4039
Record 37 of 63
TI: Truk: Man in paradise.
AU: Gladwin,-Thomas; Sarason,-Seymour-B.
SOC: Society-Truk-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: 1947-1951
PUB1: Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, No. 20. New York:
Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, Incorporated
(copyright 1954).
PAGE: 115
DATE: 1953
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
It should also be noted that the need which is felt for affairs both
preand extramarital does not stem solely from the necessity of
gratifying sexual desires as such. Such gratification is rarely
unavailable. For a married person the spouse is always at hand, except
on journeys and during certain phases of pregnancy and lactation;
intercourse is also seldom favored during menstruation but not
culturally disapproved. For the unmarried, in normal circumstances,
unmarried partners are available without any social disapproval
attaching to their relations. And for those forbidden intercourse by
ritually prescribed continence or unable to find a sexual partner,
masturbation carries no stigma for either men or women. For a man this
is not done in an exhibitionist manner--in the company of other men
masturbation requires no more discretion than for example urination: he
draws apart and turns his back. Women also masturbate alone by
stimulating the clitoris, although my principal older male informant
stated that this may also be done in company with an actual sister in
the process of comparing their genitals from the standpoint of adequacy
for heterosexual intercourse. This statement was made quite
circumstantially, but the opportunity did not present itself to check
it with other informants. This presents the only approximation to any
deliberate homosexual activity encountered, and even here the sisters
do not stimulate each other, but each herself. Young men and young
women, as we have seen, very frequently walk hand in hand or sit one
with his arm over the shoulders of the other; young men, when rough
housing, on occasion may snatch at each other's genitals but this is
only incidental to the fight. In no case was a spontaneous erection or
any other indication of directly sexual implication in these activities
noted. All informants, when attempts were made to explain to them
homosexual activity in order to inquire about it, seemed at first
puzzled and then denied that such ever took place. Similarly a
spontaneous erection (which is usually only evident when a man awakens
from sleep) seldom evokes any attention; when it does the reaction is
to laugh at the man in his embarrassment. A corresponding erection on
the part of other men present was never observed and such a possibility
was dismissed by informants questioned on the subject. This evidence,
while admittedly all negative, would appear to indicate fairly
conclusively that a person of the same sex has little erotic value in
this society, and that overt homosexuality does not exist.
Among older people no longer able for physical or social reasons to
have heterosexual liaisons, two practices are reported by a number of
informants. Older men not infrequently perform cunnilingus on
preadolescent girls; both are said to enjoy this, the men because it is
their only sexual outlet and the girls because it is so gentle. Older
women, on the other hand, entice dogs to lick their vaginas putting
coconut meat in them. Both of these practices are referred to with
tolerant amusement over the dilemma of these old people who have to
resort to such devices in order to obtain sexual satisfaction. There
seems little doubt that these
[Continued next page]
DE: Ideas-About-Sexuality; Sexual-Intercourse; Homosexuality;
Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 831; 833; 838; 839
CNTL: 4059
Record 38 of 63
TI: Truk: Man in paradise.
AU: Gladwin,-Thomas; Sarason,-Seymour-B.
SOC: Society-Truk-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: 1947-1951
PUB1: Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, No. 20. New York:
Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, Incorporated
(copyright 1954).
PAGE: 117
DATE: 1953
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
were "sisters" of the wives of the men, although "brothers"' wives
appear to provide more actual sexual partners for men.
Kidding between men is usually concerned with a man's actual or assumed
inadequacies, failures, or mishaps, and that which is of a sexual
nature follows this same scheme, although it of course cannot take
place in the presence of "sisters" or "daughters" of the men present,
nor include mention of such women. We have already noted the kidding a
man receives if it is known his advances were rejected by a woman,
particularly if he had to flee the house. A spontaneous erection causes
laughter; it indicates the man has been able to sleep with few women
and his penis is thus subject to the slightest stimulation. For the
same reason he may be accused of excessive masturbation in lieu of
other sexual satisfaction, or of excessive copulation on those few
occasions when a woman will accept him. An erection which occurs during
sleep, however, is simply due in the Trukese view to thinking about a
woman and does not provoke as much laughter; a wife in fact may be
annoyed with her husband if she finds he has had a nocturnal emission,
for it indicates his adulterous thoughts which she feels he will
attempt to translate into action.
Women are reported also to indulge in sexual kidding among themselves
but data are lacking on the precise form this takes. It is also said
that men formerly made pornographic inscriptions on trees and the like,
but no longer do; we have little information on this, nor is it
mentioned by the early sources. In view of the Trukese lack of interest
in or talent for representative drawing of any sort this appears
somewhat dubious.
DE: Ideas-About-Sexuality; General-Sex-Restrictions;
Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 831; 834; 839
CNTL: 4061
Record 39 of 63
TI: Truk: Man in paradise.
AU: Gladwin,-Thomas; Sarason,-Seymour-B.
SOC: Society-Truk-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: 1947-1951
PUB1: Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, No. 20. New York:
Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, Incorporated
(copyright 1954).
PAGE: 141
DATE: 1953
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
clear during my stay on Moen that such was not the case. Men from the
outer islands cannot take advantage of this privilege on Truk for their
magical protection on the long sea voyage would suffer if the taboo on
heterosexual contacts were broken.
MEN'S SKILLS AND MAGIC
We have repeatedly had occasion to note the association of magic with a
wide variety of activities. Some, such as healing or sorcery, are
almost entirely magical in nature while others, of which canoe-building
and navigation are examples, require very considerable knowledge and
skill, and magic serves the auxiliary purpose of assuring the success
of work otherwise correctly performed. With few exceptions the magic
associated with activities reserved exclusively to men requires that
those participating in the magic observe a taboo against having
intercourse with women during the time the magic is in effect. This
taboo, however, does not apply to women nor to the magic associated
with the work of women or both men and women, of which healing is an
outstanding example. Nor in the case of men does it prevent them from
relieving sexual tension through masturbation; only heterosexual
relations are forbidden.
It is felt, however, that younger men cannot long deny themselves the
pleasures of women, and it is probably largely for this reason that
they do not undertake the more specialized and skilled types of work
which occupy an increasing amount of the time of many older men. Some
types of magic, particularly those pertaining to war and learning the
skills of warfare, formerly imposed sexual taboos on younger men also;
these were more easily maintained when living in the lineage men's
house. Both warfare and the men's house are now in the past and there
are very few occasions left in which younger men must observe ritual
continence on Truk. Older men, however, continue to observe the taboos,
particularly during the manufacture of such objects as canoes and their
equipment; these skills and their associated magic are not taught to
younger men. In tabulating the makers of canoes, paddles, bailers,
wooden fish spears, and the like, Dr. LeBar found that the youngest
among them was listed as being thirty-nine years of age (which is
probably a low estimate on the part of the island secretary, and they
averaged forty-seven. They all observe to some degree the magic
traditionally associated with their craft and are stated to avoid
intercourse with their wives until their task is done, although they
continue to sleep at home. They have learned their skills from yet
older men and will shortly pass them on to men somewhat younger, in
both cases members of their lineage or other close relatives.
DE: Ideas-About-Sexuality; General-Sex-Restrictions; Extramarital-Sex;
Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 831; 834; 837; 839
CNTL: 4071
Record 40 of 63
TI: Truk: Man in paradise.
AU: Gladwin,-Thomas; Sarason,-Seymour-B.
SOC: Society-Truk-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: 1947-1951
PUB1: Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, No. 20. New York:
Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, Incorporated
(copyright 1954).
PAGE: 252
DATE: 1953
TEXT: SEXUAL ATTITUDES
The one activity which is actively inhibited by parents in early
childhood, but only slightly in infancy, is that of sex. Deliberate
masturbation is frowned upon almost as soon as the child can be
expected to respond with any real awareness of parental disapproval,
although their efforts at suppression do not go beyond mild pats and
somewhat angry sounding remarks. When the child can talk, however, he
is reproved for even casual fingering of his genitals, although this
behavior is still observed in children up to three or four years in age
and does not evoke a violent reaction from any adults present--they
just tell him crossly to stop. The basis for this prohibition in early
childhood appears to be primarily one of modesty, in the sense that no
sexual activity should be public whether indulged in by children or
adults, but in addition even at this tender age some feeling probably
exists on the part of adults that brother should not see sister (or
sister brother) doing anything which would emphasize the genitals to
this degree. Also, as we shall be discussing shortly, heterosexual
activity at least is believed to make children sick and in some measure
this belief is doubtless generalized to infantile masturbation. We may
be fairly sure that the prohibition does not reflect disapproval of
masturbation as such for this activity is permitted adults with only
the restrictions of modesty which apply, for example, to urination,
provided the people nearby are of the same sex. No quantitative data
are available on the relative frequency of genital play in boys and in
girls; the sheer accessibility of a boy's penis, however, would
increase the likelihood of his manipulating it in a casual fashion and
thus expose him to more frequent censure. He might in this way develop
greater anxieties regarding sexual activity than a girl even as a very
young child, although it would be unwarranted to place any reliance on
this obviously conjectural conclusion.
With the restriction of genital manipulation of early childhood there
is also an increasing emphasis on the wearing of clothes, an
encumbrance most children resist for some time. That the attempt to
keep clothes on the child is at first more or less a gesture is seen in
the fact that boys often wear little shirts which reach only to their
navels and yet are apparently clothed sufficiently to satisfy the
demands of propriety. As the clothing of children as well as adults is
patterned essentially along European lines, the dresses which girls
begin to wear at this time are longer and therefore in practice more
modest than the boys' shirts when trousers are omitted. Girls do not,
however, wear a lavalava underneath until they are considerably older,
so that they are not yet forced to the concern over specifically
genital modesty which characterizes adults.
Although children at any time are apt to be aware of and observe
activities in the house at night, hear sexual liaisons openly
discussed, and later may
[Continued next page]
DE: Ideas-About-Sexuality; Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior; Sex-Education
OCM: 831; 839; 864
CNTL: 4100
Record 41 of 63
TI: Truk: Man in paradise.
AU: Gladwin,-Thomas; Sarason,-Seymour-B.
SOC: Society-Truk-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: 1947-1951
PUB1: Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, No. 20. New York:
Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, Incorporated
(copyright 1954).
PAGE: 253
DATE: 1953
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
actually lend a helping hand in acting as go-betweens for lovers, it
appears that for several years they undertake little or no heterosexual
experimentation of their own. Masturbation would of course be expected
to be driven "underground" by parental censure, and we can make no
estimate of the degree to which it is practised. However, even among
children such self-stimulation evokes ridicule and since a child is
seldom alone we are probably safe in saying that sexual activity is at
a low level during the middle years of childhood--a lower level than it
will again attain until real old age. During the two or three years
which precede puberty, however, and possibly before, heterosexual
activity of a limited sort does begin in spite of parental warnings.
This probably results from the increasing contact of older children
with young adolescents who, although considered mature sexually, are
embracing this activity only tentatively. While such behavior even in
late childhood continues to be disapproved it appears that parents
actually expect their children to disregard their admonitions when the
opportunity presents itself, a point well illustrated in Eleanor's life
history.
The character of the admonitions themselves are of importance for there
is good evidence from our own society that it is the manner in which
childhood sexuality is forbidden, rather than the simple fact that it
is not permitted, which has the greatest determining effect on adult
performance and anxiety in this area. In our society sex is often
explained to the child (frequently when he has been caught
experimenting and punished) as "dirty," or he is told it will make him
sick, or even crazy. He gains the impression that sex is inherently bad
and dangerous. The Trukese, on the other hand, also tell their children
sexual activity will make them sick, but only because they are still
too young for it. They thus do not get the impression that sex is
inherently bad and, as adults, in spite of the overevaluation and
anxiety attached to sexual activity from other sources, show no signs
of real impotence or frigidity. An example from our society of this
type of restriction might be the driving of automobiles: we do not let
our children drive because they are too small, but we do not tell them
it is an essentially wicked activity; when they grow old enough to
drive they learn to do so without any difficulty and, whether they are
actually good drivers or not, are seldom troubled by any great anxiety
over their competence on this score, in spite of the great economic,
social, and functional importance of driving a car.
Although it appears fairly certain that actual sexual intercourse takes
place shortly before physiological puberty, at least in girls, we have
already noted that several years prior to this time most children
undertake at least some heterosexual experimentation, usually
consisting in the boy putting his finger in and manipulating the girl's
genitals. If girls ever manipulate boys' genitals, or in fact pay any
attention to the penis in these situations, we have no evidence for it.
This is in keeping with the impression one gets that at the adult level
the female genitals are in several respects intrinsically of more
importance and interest than are the male genitals.
[Continued next page]
DE: Ideas-About-Sexuality; Sexual-Intercourse; Sex-Education
OCM: 831; 833; 864
CNTL: 4101
Record 42 of 63
TI: Truk: Man in paradise.
AU: Gladwin,-Thomas; Sarason,-Seymour-B.
SOC: Society-Truk-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: 1947-1951
PUB1: Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, No. 20. New York:
Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, Incorporated
(copyright 1954).
PAGE: 280
DATE: 1953
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
make the psychological adjustments necessary in sexual behavior only
after he is permanently married. Marriage, as we shall see, returns to
the man much of the social security he lost at puberty and in other
important respects can be expected to reduce his overall anxiety and
improve his self-confidence. With anxiety from other sources lessened,
he is finally able to adapt to the more complete reversal of his
behavioral role required by frequent and passionate sexual affairs.
Thus the very conditions which make lovers' liaisons no longer socially
approved are the ones which make such liaisons psychologically possible.
We stated that the above hypothesis accounts only in part for the
ability of a man to achieve full expression of his sexuality after
marriage because there remains implicit in the discussion so far an
important question: If sexual activity, by negating the caution
necessary in usual social interaction, creates by its very nature such
strong anxieties in the Trukese, what then motivates them to enter into
sexual relationships so avidly, and through promiscuity or passion seek
particularly the sort of sexual expression most likely to produce the
greatest anxiety? It is evident that the explanation does not lie in
the purely physiological need for the release of sexual tensions, for
such release is always available. Masturbation, while in other respects
not necessarily as satisfying as heterosexual intercourse, serves at
least to release sexual tension. And it is, as we have noted, after
marriage that sexuality reaches its height (for both men and women) in
spite of the fact that at this time the spouse is almost always
available for actual heterosexual relations. There are limitations on
the degree to which most married couples will give free rein to their
emotions in intercourse for, as we shall we, in most respects the
husband-wife relationship entails the same sort of restraint required
in relations with other kin, but certainly the spouse provides
sufficient sexual outlet to satisfy any physiological needs.
The answer seems rather to be found in the very reversal of behavior in
the small role which produces the anxiety we have been discussing thus
far. although the anxiety associated with unrestrained emotionality is
unquestionably real, if it can be suppressed the reward in being able
freely to express oneself can be even greater. As we noted in
concluding our consideration of the experiences and personality
development of childhood, up to the time of puberty a Trukese his had
virtually no opportunity for free self-expression in any situation of
social consequence He could presumably go off to the top of the
mountain and shout, curse, and wave his arms, but this would do him
little good in removing the frustration occasioned by always having to
be careful with everybody of any importance to him. Self-expression
does not prove very satisfying with people or in situations which one
feels are unimportant, for self-expression, to be rewarding, requires
that it accomplish something, either materially or socially. Socially
this means that one in some fashion impress one's personal self upon
another person, and that this other person be someone worth making such
an impression on. In other words, one must achieve a measure of
personal mastery in a relationship recognized by the society
[Continued next page]
DE: Sexual-Intercourse; Extramarital-Sex
OCM: 833; 837
CNTL: 4110
Record 43 of 63
TI: Sexuality and aggression on Romonum, Truk.
AU: Swartz,-Marc-J.
SOC: Society-Truk-Oceania
FOC: Romonum
TIME: 1955-1956
PUB1: American Anthropologist, Vol. 60, pp. 467-486. Menasha: American
Anthropological Association.
PAGE: 468
DATE: 1958
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
change. However, girls are believed to begin menstruating and/or
developing breasts only after their first coitus. Informants did not
agree on this: some said that when a girl's breasts begin to develop it
is then known by all that she has had sexual relations. Others said
that both the onset of menstruation and the development of the breasts
are due to coitus. One rather sophisticated informant suggested that
men only get interested in girls when the breasts begin to develop,
that perhaps both would begin without copulation, but that "we Trukese
are bad and when we see a girl is almost a young woman, we want to have
intercourse with her." A girl's first "sweetheart" (kamwet is the
Trukese word for lovers) may be the husband of one of the real or
classificatory sisters with whom she lives. There does not appear to be
any rule against a man copulating with the younger sisters of his wife,
but several informants said there would be "trouble" if the wife found
out. In the affairs going on when we were on Romonum, one of the only
two adolescent unmarried girls on the island was reported to have been
having her first affair, and her partner was said to be a young married
man whose wife was not related to the girl.
The sweetheart relation is held to be illegitimate despite the approval
of premarital coitus, because in most cases it involves adultery since
one, or more often both, participants are married. This is partly
because there are at present only two unmarried girls past puberty on
the island (although there are a number of elderly widows), Further, by
the time a person is old enough to carry on a full sweetheart
relationship--that is, has had enough experience--he is probably
married, as marriage occurs early. There are eight young men or late
adolescents and two men in their thirties who are unmarried. There is
an equal number of men and women between the ages of 15 and 37 (53 men
and 53 women), but the larger number of unmarried men is due to the
older average age of men at marriage.
Some informants say that preadolescent children would get sick if they
engaged in sexual activity. Others said that boys "just did not start
to think of women until they were almost young men." Sex play was not
observed in children's groups, although boys in the 10- to 13-year-old
age range were sometimes heard laughingly to accuse each other of
masturbation.
DE: Ideas-About-Sexuality; Premarital-Sex; Extramarital-Sex;
Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 831; 836; 837; 839
CNTL: 4148
Record 44 of 63
TI: Premarital freedom on Truk: Theory and practice.
AU: Goodenough,-Ward-H.
SOC: Society-Truk-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: 1947-1948
PUB1: American Anthropologist, Vol. 51, pp. 615-620. Menasha: American
Anthropological Association.
PAGE: 616
DATE: 1949
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
men in sex seemed surprisingly like those of American adolescents, or
of men working in lumber camps, or in the Army, or in other places
where women are relatively unavailable. The conversation of young men
between sixteen and thirty years of age was constantly dwelling on sex,
and one heard much goodnatured banter about it. The lengths to which an
individual might go to achieve intercourse, and the failures which he
had suffered, frequently provided the theme of such joking. Some of the
young men carried pornographic photographs obtained from the Japanese
during the war, while older informants stated that in aboriginal times
men used to make pornographic carvings on tree trunks. Masturbation was
said to be fairly common among the younger adolescents.
Margaret Mead has written of the Samoans: "It seems difficult to
account for a salacious attitude among a people where so little is
mysterious, so little forbidden." She also associated their lack of
interest in romantic love, as evidenced by their failure to respond to
the Romeo and Juliet story, with this same permissive factor. In Truk,
however, romantic stories of constant lovers who withstand all
obstacles to the tragic end are popular. Love charms use to be widely
employed, and the young man or woman of today who can come by one
counts himself fortunate. Cliffs are pointed out as locally famous
lovers' leaps. Love affairs involve elaborate signalling devices,
serenades, go-betweens, the exchange of tokens, and mutual
scarification with cigarette ends as indications of undying affection.
Dr. Isadore Dyen has made recordings of native love songs which were
formerly frequently used in serenading. Whenever these were played back
to the natives, the reaction of the women was like that of early silent
film audiences to Rudolph Valentino.
The Trukese themselves recognize that young people are preoccupied with
sex and give this as the reason why special lore and skills are not
learned until middle age. Before that, they say, they are only
interested in sex. Indeed, what might be called adolescent behavior in
this respect lasts in the case of men into the late twenties and early
thirties.
Shortly prior to leaving the field, it seemed worth-while to look into
the question of whether the preoccupation of young people with sex and
romantic love, despite the permissiveness of the culture, might not
result from considerable frustration in achieving satisfactory sexual
experiences. Since the moral code did not appear to supply the basis
for such frustration, the sociological aspects of the problem were
examined with what appear to be fruitful results.
The first point to be kept in mind is that while premarital freedom
exists in theory, in practice it is difficult to realize. To exercise
premarital freedom with safety, young men are largely confined to their
own community. In earlier days, it was said, going to women of other
communities was one of the chief
[Continued next page]
DE: Body-Alteration; Ideas-About-Sexuality; Sexual-Stimulation;
Premarital-Sex; Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 304; 831; 832; 836; 839
CNTL: 4170
Record 45 of 63
TI: Premarital freedom on Truk: Theory and practice.
AU: Goodenough,-Ward-H.
SOC: Society-Truk-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: 1947-1948
PUB1: American Anthropologist, Vol. 51, pp. 615-620. Menasha: American
Anthropological Association.
PAGE: 617
DATE: 1949
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
causes of warfare. Trukese communities are small. That in which most of
the information presented here was collected consisted of 230 persons
of all ages. The community is generally composed of from four to six
exogamous matrilineal kin groups. Incest taboos are also extended
bilaterally. There were only ten women and eleven men aged fourteen to
twenty in the community studied. With such small numbers, it is
likely that at any one time some young men may have several girls who
are unmarried and not taboo available to them, while others may have
none at all. In addition to this, young men mature socially later than
women, who marry at a younger age. Only one of the ten women mentioned
above was single, while only one of the eleven men was married. Half of
the remaining ten adolescents were not in competition because the girls
did not consider them sufficiently mature to take them seriously. The
older lads were forced to compete for the favors of the one girl, or to
take their chances in adulterous affairs with married women. It was the
behavior of these youths under twenty which resembled that of
adolescents in our own society.
Once the young men manage to get married--which they usually do in
their early twenties as the younger crop of women comes along--we might
expect their preoccupation with sex and adulterous affairs to diminish
rapidly, since partners supplied by their wives and wives' sisters are
now available to them. While they no longer need resort to such means
of sexual gratification as masturbation, it is actually at about the
time of marriage, when they have reached an age to be taken seriously
by the women, that they become most involved in adulterous affairs and
remain so until they are about thirty years of age.
Several factors help account for this. For one thing, some marriages
are arranged. Even when they are not arranged, the frustrations of the
teenagers tend to cause young men to marry the first available girls as
a solution to their problem. They then continue in the competition for
the more desirable girls as the latter mature. Most important, however,
is the nature of the marriage relationship itself, as contrasted with
the so-called sweetheart relationship. In marriage, the husband is
subordinate to the authority of this wife's brothers and the men of her
lineage. His wife must side with her brothers against him. In turn, his
obligations to his own lineage take precedence over his obligations to
his wife. These lineage obligations on both sides keep the marital
relationship from yielding the satisfactions which result when a couple
puts its joint interests above all other considerations.
With the extramarital sweetheart relationship the case is quite the
reverse. Here the man and woman put their mutual attraction above
everything else. A man caught with another man's wife can expect a
severe beating from the injured husband's brothers. In aboriginal times
he might have been killed, while today adulterers receive short jail
terms. Husbands beat their wives for
[Continued next page]
DE: Kinship-Regulation-Of-Sex; Premarital-Sex; Extramarital-Sex
OCM: 835; 836; 837
CNTL: 4171
Record 46 of 63
TI: We, the Tikopia: A sociological study of kinship in primitive
Polynesia.
AU: Firth,-Raymond
SOC: Society-Tikopia-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: 1928-1929
PUB1: London: George Allen and Unwin, Ltd.
PAGE: 474
DATE: 1936
TEXT: Erection is induced by manual manipulation, perhaps stimulated by
local irritation. Viewed by elder children it is a matter for
laughter; adults ignore it or mildly reprove the child. I saw one
man who had noticed an erection of a small boy spit on the organ in
quasi-joking, quasi-disapproving fashion.
There are no distinctively sexual plays by young children, though they
are said when a few years old to be acquainted with the broad facts of
sex. Pa Fenuatara said, "The children who go about there they are
termed children, but no. They know, they look at women who are
seated together and they go and do this--"(illustrating the gesture of
the fingers which imitates the sexual act). "The young men
instruct them to go and act thus towards the women as a joke. So
they go and do it." By simply listening to the conversation of
the young men they learn a great deal, and they must also gather
something from sleeping near their parents. As a rule young
children do not attempt to put this knowledge into actual practice, but
occasionally they do try and imitate what they hear and see. They
try to have intercourse with one another; no actual copulation occurs,
but they go through the motions. One young man told me how he saw
a little boy of the Kafika family go to a little girl of the same
household. It was at Muriava, on the reef when the tide was
out. She lay on her back and he attempted to copulate with her,
made the movements, then rose and went away. He was about three
and she the same age. In adults their kinship status would have
made this act practically incestuous. The young man, however,
expressed no strong disapproval, but regarded it as simply the
behaviour of children. It is difficult to say, of course, how far
such conduct is a simple imitation of that of elders, or is the result
of awakening sexual stimuli in the children themselves.
My information regarding the sex life of children is inadequate.
I have no data of value on the question of a possible latency period in
childhood. My impression is, however, that for some years before
the age of puberty, boys display little interest in the opposite sex,
but busy themselves with their fishing, forest wandering, dancing, dart
throwing and other pursuits in their own bands. There is no
formal segregation of the sexes for any period, as in some
communities. What has been said so far applies to young children
only. The practice of masturbation may perhaps be correlated with this
absence of heterosexual interest. Immature girls do have
intercourse at times, particularly with men older than themselves.
DE: Sex-Education
OCM: 864
CNTL: 4281
Record 47 of 63
TI: We, the Tikopia: A sociological study of kinship in primitive
Polynesia.
AU: Firth,-Raymond
SOC: Society-Tikopia-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: 1928-1929
PUB1: London: George Allen and Unwin, Ltd.
PAGE: 494
DATE: 1936
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
hands under the armpits of the woman at such a time. The young man
expressed disgust at the idea of copulating at noon-they should have
left it until night.
Apart from ordinary sexual intercourse there are other methods by which
people obtain satisfaction. An adult woman, attracted by a young
boy, will look round to see that no one is observing, then cover the
child and herself with a blanket and insert his penis in her
genitals. She lies on her back, holds the child on top of her and
with her hand works his loins. A sign is given at the time of
initiation if the boy has been thus tampered with, it is said. If
the foreskin is very difficult to cut and the expert hacks at it
without result, then he will clip the lad over the head. "We
excrete in your gullet! Filthy little child! Don't you
listen to advice?" For boys are instructed by their mothers-those
of them who have affection for their children-not to lend themselves to
such attentions. I was told that adult men do not interfere with
little girls, "because if they do, the girl would die." But
non-nubile girls approaching puberty may have their lovers. I
have no data concerning heterosexual perversions or accessory stimuli
to gratification.
Masturbation seems to be a very frequent practice among the young
people of both sexes. It is regarded by the natives as being due
to the absence of heterosexual intercourse, not to inversion.
"When a young man dwells and has no sweetheart, then he rubs his
member. He is called tae viri (filth-rubber). Its origin is that
the man envies another man who copulates with his wife, his member
becomes erected, and he rubs it, pushing furiously. He thinks in
his throat of women as he does so." Sometimes the act is
performed in company, sometimes alone, the man being ashamed to
practice it under observation. By some men masturbation is done
nearly every day, the exception being only when they go to the woods to
cultivate, or to some other work which demands attention early in the
day. The act often takes place in a house, on the mat where a man
sleeps. One informant told me of having seen two well-known
bachelors masturbate themselves thus in company, using great violence.
A practice sometimes adopted by boys is to climb a tree and to overlook
women who are bathing. After obtaining excitation in this way
then they proceed to masturbation either in the branches or on the
ground.
Disgust is expressed at the idea of such self-abuse, and one informant
said that such a person can often be recognized by his facial
appearance. The term tae viri, masturbator, is sometimes applied in
coarse jest between young men, but the principal objection to the
practice is alleged to be that it is unpleasant for the hands after
having
[Continued next page]
DE: Sexual-Intercourse; Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior; Sex-Education
OCM: 833; 839; 864
CNTL: 4292
Record 48 of 63
TI: We, the Tikopia: A sociological study of kinship in primitive
Polynesia.
AU: Firth,-Raymond
SOC: Society-Tikopia-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: 1928-1929
PUB1: London: George Allen and Unwin, Ltd.
PAGE: 495
DATE: 1936
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
been thus occupied to turn to the preparation of food. Hence the
designation of rima kela applied in such cases. But the practice
appears to be so prevalent that these expressions of disgust must be in
part hypocritical. The young man mentioned above remarked that it has
its basis in younger sons (who are less likely to marry), but that
while some perform it, others do not. Moreover, he held that it was
universal. "it goes throughout all lands; there is not a land which can
say, 'No'!" This was a cheap generalization, since he had never been
away from Tikopia, but it can be taken as a reflection of his knowledge
of its frequency in this island.
This man was a son of a chief, and his further remark that sons of
chiefs do not indulge in the practice is then not entirely
convincing. The reason advanced was that any man who is known to
be addicted to masturbation is barred from preparing food for a chief,
and his children therefore, who do this constantly, must conduct
themselves with decorum. I did not confirm his statement, but it
fits in with general Tikopia ideology. The sons of chiefs may
then perhaps be exempt; it is doubtful, however, if masturbators are
explicitly and publicly ruled out from the handling of chiefly
food. I have no cases of such happening.
It is said that mutual masturbation is practised, and also
pederasty. "Such a person is called 'filthy hand'-he grasps with
his hand to set up his member, then removes his hand, and rubs on the
fundament of another man." I collected few data on this subject,
and it can certainly be said that it plays no great part in the native
sexual life.
Self-stimulation is practised also by females. The reason
advanced is that a girl cannot get a man to have intercourse with her,
or is too shy to ask the one she wants. It is said that only
women who have already tasted sex pleasure will act thus. Such a
woman "remembers the male organ," and with her finger, or a manioc
root, or a peeled banana, rubs herself. She does so with
increasing energy as her desire climbs up. It is because of the
force used that it is customary to peel the banana; otherwise her
genitals would become sore. It is alleged by young men that
female masturbation is fairly prevalent, though some girls deny this
and assert that it was practised only in former times. This is
probably untrue, since the girls were allowed even greater freedom
formerly-in Faea, at least-and could obtain lovers without
hindrance. It is doubtful if they have any real homosexual
relations.
The two most significant aspects of auto-eroticism in Tikopia are the
correlation of it with the lack of heterosexual intercourse, and the
judgment of it from the point of view of social utility, not of
abstract morality, or of possible physical or psychological
damage. In the first
[Continued next page]
DE: Homosexuality; Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 838; 839
CNTL: 4293
Record 49 of 63
TI: We, the Tikopia: A sociological study of kinship in primitive
Polynesia.
AU: Firth,-Raymond
SOC: Society-Tikopia-Oceania
FOC: General
TIME: 1928-1929
PUB1: London: George Allen and Unwin, Ltd.
PAGE: 496
DATE: 1936
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
place it is stated that it is practised mainly by young men who have no
mistresses, and by younger sons in a family. "It is not done by the
elder brother, since he copulates with his wife." The social norm of
celibacy for junior males fits in with this thesis. And again the
stimulus to self-gratification is provided commonly by observation or
by imagination of heterosexual matters. The attitude adopted towards
the practice is of a frankly realistic kind. Distaste for it is
normally expressed, but on grounds of association with food, and
masturbation is ranked with other habits which involve more than the
necessary minimum amount of contact between hands and genitalia.
SEX INTEREST IN CONVERSATION
No account of the place of sex in the social life of the community
would be at all adequate without reference to it as a conversational
theme. Here it is particularly important as material for
humour. That the most intimate matters of personal life should be
in another context the most fertile subject for jesting is a problem
which is beyond the scope of presentation of field-work material.
It would seem, however, that one of the functions of sex-humour is that
it serves as a diffused and secondary sexual stimulus. The
Tikopia say that one of the common immediate causes of masturbation
among young men is listening to the talk of others about women.
There are of course many other aspects of the problem, such as the
stimulus to discuss experiences of such physical and emotional
intensity, but the necessity to do so because of their intimacy in a
context which allows of retreat, of camouflage, when this intimacy is
too deeply threatened.
The most frequent conversational reference to sex in Tikopia is a
joking accusation of impropriety. Thus, if a young man strolls up
to join a group of his fellows, they may greet him with a shower of
questions and comments. "You, where did you sleep last night?"
"O! he has been with the woman." "What an enormous penis he must have,
at it every night, every night"-and so on. A favourite jest among
the young men who used to cluster around my house in {Ravenga} was, "He
has been to the house inland," or "He is going to build a house
inland." Some little distance back from the beach lived two
women, unmarried and alone; their reputations, if not impeccable, were
at least on a par with those of other people, but mention of them was a
kind of stock remark. If a man appropriates some tobacco or betel
from another, or calmly insists on a pipe being handed over, he may be
laughingly called "Rafua!" This is the grey reef-eel, voracious
in its habits, and the incarnation of a Taumako deity whose fondness
for women is an item of Tikopia belief. "Tae
[Continued next page]
DE: Ideas-About-Sexuality; Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 831; 839
CNTL: 4294
Record 50 of 63
TI: Los Kogi: Una tribu de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Columbia.
Toma I [The Kogi: A tribe of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta,
Colombia. Vol. 1].
AU: Reichel-Dolmatoff,-Gerardo
SOC: Society-Cagaba-South-America
FOC: Kogi
TIME: 1946-1950
PUB1: Revista del Instituto Etnologico Nacional, Vol. 4, Nos. 1-2.
Bogota. [Translated from the Spanish for the HRAF by Sydney Muirden.]
PAGE: 141
DATE: 1949-1950
TEXT: Sexual offenses include masturbation, prenuptial sexuality,
adultery, incest, homosexuality, contacts with animals, and obscene
language. Coitus must be done in certain places, intervals, and
positions; and certain personal rites must be observed in relation with
it.
DE: Sex-Offenses-And-Crimes; Sexual-Intercourse
OCM: 684; 833
CNTL: 4551
Record 51 of 63
TI: Los Kogi: Una tribu de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Columbia.
Toma II [The Kogi: A tribe of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta,
Colombia. Vol. 2].
AU: Reichel-Dolmatoff,-Gerardo
SOC: Society-Cagaba-South-America
FOC: Kogi
TIME: 1946-1950
PUB1: Bogota: Editorial Iqueima. [Translated from the Spanish for the
HRAF by Sydney Muirden.]
PAGE: 113
DATE: 1951
TEXT: Many offerings are made of human sperm, and they are always
dedicated to Heisei. This form of offering is called kakalyia sabi
--"to pay with saliva," a very common euphemism [See note 25].
[Note 25] Saliva--kakalyia; from kaka--mouth, and nyi--water.
Saliva symbolizes sperm in the daily conversation of the Kogi, and in
the myths saliva is mentioned as a fertilizing liquid. These offerings
are made in the following cases and forms: when an unmarried woman
cohabits with a man and is discovered or confesses her transgression,
she must repeat the coitus and recover secretions of both in a little
bit of cotton, which she then wraps up in maize leaves and hands over
to the Mama, who offers it to Heisei. The same occurs in all cases of
incest (father-daughter, mother-son, brother-sister,
grandfather-granddaughter, grandmothergrandson), in which cases too the
sexual act must be repeated. In cases of masturbation, this too should
be repeated, and the offering is made to Kuishbangui, the master of the
Thunder and Lightning. Another form of these offerings is called
seivaka kakalyia--"intermediate saliva" [See note 26].
[Note 26] Seivgka means "neither the one nor the other, neither man nor
woman, almost invisible, intermediate." Cf. also seivakein gein, the
roads of the dead.
This is not in expiatory
[Continued next page]
DE: Kinship-Regulation-Of-Sex
OCM: 835
CNTL: 4586
Record 52 of 63
TI: Los Kogi: Una tribu de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Columbia.
Toma II [The Kogi: A tribe of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta,
Colombia. Vol. 2].
AU: Reichel-Dolmatoff,-Gerardo
SOC: Society-Cagaba-South-America
FOC: Kogi
TIME: 1946-1950
PUB1: Bogota: Editorial Iqueima. [Translated from the Spanish for the
HRAF by Sydney Muirden.]
PAGE: 144
DATE: 1951
TEXT: The Mama inquires above all about thoughts related to sexuality,
adultery, or masturbation. Public confession exists almost solely for
men and takes place in the ceremonial house on the occasion of any
weekly meeting. The men lie down in their hammocks, and the Mama asks
them one by one about their activities, thoughts, and experiences in
the past days.
DE: Ideas-About-Sexuality
OCM: 831
CNTL: 4592
Record 53 of 63
TI: Los Kogi: Una tribu de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Columbia.
Toma II [The Kogi: A tribe of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta,
Colombia. Vol. 2].
AU: Reichel-Dolmatoff,-Gerardo
SOC: Society-Cagaba-South-America
FOC: Kogi
TIME: 1946-1950
PUB1: Bogota: Editorial Iqueima. [Translated from the Spanish for the
HRAF by Sydney Muirden.]
PAGE: 219
DATE: 1951
TEXT: The adults, and above all the parents, exercise very rigid
control over the sexuality of these years of childhood. An effort is
made to suppress absolutely all manifestations of it in the children,
and they are regarded as even much more unsuitable and dangerous than
among the adults. Masturbation is considered a very serious
transgression and is harshly punished. In general the father himself
denounces his children before the Mama, since masturbation by the
child, they believe, puts the "health" of the father in danger. In
reality, the mother herself teaches the male children masturbatory
practices, which she uses from the time they are five years old to calm
them and to make them sleep. Accusations between father and mother are
thus sometimes added, and finally the Mama himself has to intervene to
"give advice." A father condemns in general the manifestations of
infantile sexuality in both sexes, but a mother does not. She, in
addition to masturbating her son, shows a lively interest in the erotic
pleasures which her daughter derives from her body and takes a certain
pride in the fact that this instinct is developing in her children.
Both parents nevertheless try to avoid having the children observe the
sexual activities of the adults, and since these are carried out almost
solely at night and outside the house, the children evidently do not
have any occasion to learn about them. When the parents go to bathe
they always go away from the children, although they themselves (the
adults) can see each other naked while bathing, in the case of married
persons. The small children of both sexes can accompany their mother
when she bathes naked, but she always turns her back and crouches on a
stone. There is an obscene language prohibited to children, but there
are adults who take pleasure in teaching them words of sexual meaning.
This is considered very "bad" on the part of adults, and an attempt is
made at once to find out who the guilty one is in order to denounce him
to the Mama. Similarly, children five or six years old are frequently
subjected to sexual
[Continued next page]
DE: Sex-Offenses-And-Crimes; Sexual-Intercourse; Homosexuality;
Sex-Education
OCM: 684; 833; 838; 864
CNTL: 4597
Record 54 of 63
TI: Los Kogi: Una tribu de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Columbia.
Toma II [The Kogi: A tribe of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta,
Colombia. Vol. 2].
AU: Reichel-Dolmatoff,-Gerardo
SOC: Society-Cagaba-South-America
FOC: Kogi
TIME: 1946-1950
PUB1: Bogota: Editorial Iqueima. [Translated from the Spanish for the
HRAF by Sydney Muirden.]
PAGE: 231
DATE: 1951
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
from their mothers or other adult women, since the women like to talk
about sexual themes when there are no men present, but the male
children depend upon their imagination and their observations of
animals or within the ceremonial house. That this imagination is
unavoidably connected with the mother, since she initiated
masturbation, is natural.
DE: Ideas-About-Sexuality; Sex-Education
OCM: 831; 864
CNTL: 4603
Record 55 of 63
TI: Los Kogi: Una tribu de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Columbia.
Toma II [The Kogi: A tribe of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta,
Colombia. Vol. 2].
AU: Reichel-Dolmatoff,-Gerardo
SOC: Society-Cagaba-South-America
FOC: Kogi
TIME: 1946-1950
PUB1: Bogota: Editorial Iqueima. [Translated from the Spanish for the
HRAF by Sydney Muirden.]
PAGE: 284
DATE: 1951
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
sentences and variations of them are already heard during the first
year, when the child is not yet walking. Once he is walking, the threat
is made more specific and refers to the ceremonial house and to
society. To girls it is said: "Do not enter the ceremonial house. There
is an animal there with claws that will tear open your belly!" To boys
it is said: "Be careful with women! They have a knife there and they
will cut off your penis!" To girls it is said: "Be careful with men!
They have there a worm which will bite you in the vagina!" At the same
time the theme of the toad and the snake (worm) is elaborated, and the
boys begin to associate the toad with female sexuality, the snake with
the male. When the corresponding words are mentioned, the children now
react with the gestures of defense. According to what the parents
themselves say, the object of these threats is to form the first
pattern for the future separation of the sexes and to inculcate in the
children fear of the opposite sex and of all sexual activity in
general. The result is evident at an early age. A child, when he sits
on the ground or lies down, will try to pull his clothing between his
legs, forming a defense in the genital region. This custom persists
later, especially among men, throughout life. Every once in a while
they arrange their garments in this region of the body. When they sit
down, they take the shirt with both hands, press it against these
organs, and then sit on the folds. Always, when an individual sits or
squats, he immediately forms a sort of protective covering. The theme
of castration appears frequently in the myths. The first "Fathers" were
born without penes. Teimu cuts "trees" with the vulva dentata and "eats
fish" with it. Saldaui cuts off the head of the snake when it comes in
through a rhomboidal opening. The theme of "cutting trees" is thus
encountered very frequently.
Castration is, of course, also the threat used to prohibit
masturbation. Masturbatory manipulations by male children are regarded
as a serious danger to the sexuality of the father and, it is said,
lead to the End of the World. The same is said with reference to girls,
but in this case it does not affect the parents magically, but rather
the health of the girl herself. Masturbation is thus regarded as "very
bad" and is severely sanctioned with physical
[Continued next page]
DE: Ideas-About-Sexuality; Sex-Education
OCM: 831; 864
CNTL: 4619
Record 56 of 63
TI: Los Kogi: Una tribu de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Columbia.
Toma II [The Kogi: A tribe of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta,
Colombia. Vol. 2].
AU: Reichel-Dolmatoff,-Gerardo
SOC: Society-Cagaba-South-America
FOC: Kogi
TIME: 1946-1950
PUB1: Bogota: Editorial Iqueima. [Translated from the Spanish for the
HRAF by Sydney Muirden.]
PAGE: 285
DATE: 1951
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
punishment. It might be that the father himself beats the child on his
buttocks with a stick, or it might also be that he would take him
before the Mama, who punishes him by "kneeling" him. It is above all
the fathers who are concerned about the masturbation of their children;
the mothers do not take it so seriously, and at times they do not tell
their husbands anything when they discover a child in this act. Even at
3-4 years old, the mothers frequently masturbate their children in
order to calm them and make them sleep. This occurs without the
knowledge of the father, who, should he find out about it, would not
hesitate to denounce his wife and child before the Mama. In the
following years masturbation increases, especially among the males; its
strict prohibition and the fear of castration and of severe punishments
cause a marked anxiety among the young men. During adolescence and
maturity, masturbatory practices continue, even though the individual
is married. The women in particular, who, for the most part, seem to be
dissatisfied sexually, masturbate frequently when they are squatting
and sitting on their heels. Masturbation is mentioned on repeated
occasions in the myths.
When the young individual becomes engaged or marries, his marital
sexual relations are, of course, subject to the observation of rules
which control every manifestation of this nature. In the first place,
the danger of sexuality has been inculcated in him since childhood, has
been stressed in the "advice" of the Mama, the ceremony of initiation,
and the myths which he learned in the ceremonial house. This "danger"
has been explained to him, first of all, in terms of losing the good
graces of the Mother, of suffering sickness, and of economic failure.
To this is added the fear of castration, the general notion that "women
are bad," and his own physical debility, now accompanied by the slow
intoxication produced by the coca. Sexual impotence is thus imminent.
The situation of the woman is quite different here: They do not eat
coca, and they are better nourished; they do not form a part of the
fanatical circle of the ceremonial house, and they take no great
interest in the religion and ceremonial of the group. Having been near
their mothers from infancy until marriage, they have learned much about
men from them, and they know that they dominate them.
[Continued next page]
DE: Ideas-About-Sexuality; Sexual-Intercourse;
Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior; Sex-Education
OCM: 831; 833; 839; 864
CNTL: 4620
Record 57 of 63
TI: Los Kogi: Una tribu de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Columbia.
Toma II [The Kogi: A tribe of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta,
Colombia. Vol. 2].
AU: Reichel-Dolmatoff,-Gerardo
SOC: Society-Cagaba-South-America
FOC: Kogi
TIME: 1946-1950
PUB1: Bogota: Editorial Iqueima. [Translated from the Spanish for the
HRAF by Sydney Muirden.]
PAGE: 306
DATE: 1951
TEXT: [Previous page continued]
hunger is suffered, more coca is consumed than in the others, and the
Kogi recognize that its consumption appeases hunger and also serves as
an anaphrodisiac. The bad diet itself, the ritual fasts, alcoholism.
and continual religious preoccupation similarly inhibit the sexuality
of the men, who openly admit their impotence. The latter, however, is
not only caused by the state of physical debility of the man; there
seem to be deeper reasons. In several cases I learned of individuals
who achieved a satisfactory orgasm only by means of masturbation, but
not during heterosexual contacts.
DE: Sexual-Intercourse; Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 833; 839
CNTL: 4633
Record 58 of 63
TI: Les Indiens Arhouaques-Kaggabas: Responses au questionnaire de
sociologie et d'ethnographie de la Societe d'Anthropologie [The
ArhuacoCagaba Indians: Replies to the sociological and ethnographic
questionnaire of the Society d'Anthropologie].
AU: Brettes,-Count-Joseph-de
SOC: Society-Cagaba-South-America
FOC: Kogi
TIME: 1891-1895
PUB1: Bulletins et Memoires de la Societe d'Anthropologie de Paris,
Serie 5, Vol. 4, pp. 318-357. Paris. [Translated from the French for
the HRAF by Richard Fort.]
PAGE: 26
DATE: 1903
TEXT: B.--Love. Marriage.--1. The emotion of love does not exist; it is
simply a sexual union.
There are no love songs.
2. Kissing is known.
3. Men conceal their sexual parts with the greatest care; as for women,
they are less modest. During my travels across the northwest of the
Sierra Nevada, the women who accompanied me were not embarrassed to
bathe themselves naked in front of me at every crossing of a rio or
arroyo, that is to say, 15 to 20 times a day. There is no Kaggaba word
signifying modesty.
4. Masturbation and sodomy are practiced; of this I am absolutely
certain, having caught Indians in the act. Numerous indications lead me
to believe that these vices also form a part of their secret
ceremonies, but I was not able to obtain positive proof of this. It is
evidently to onanism and sodomy that the indifference of the Kaggaba
toward their women must be attributed and as a consequence the decline
of the race. A spanish author, Simon, is very explicit on this point.
(Noticia 5. Cap. II. Noticias historiales de conquista de tierra firme):
"Crime against nature was common among them and they had such a passion
for it that, in order to work themselves up to commit it, they filled
their temples with a thousand abominations and obscene figures."
DE: Ideas-About-Sexuality; Sexual-Stimulation;
General-Sex-Restrictions; Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 831; 832; 834; 839
CNTL: 4636
Record 59 of 63
TI: The Aymara of Chucuito, Peru: 1. Magic.
AU: Tschopik,-Harry-Jr.
SOC: Society-Aymara-South-America
FOC: General
TIME: 1940-1942
PUB1: Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History,
Vol. 44, pp. 133-308. New York.
PAGE: 167
DATE: 1951
TEXT: Aymara culture tends to minimize conflict situations centering
around sex and to foster the point of view that sexual relations are
normal, natural, and pleasurable. Thus, from earliest childhood onward,
there is no rigid segregation of the sexes; boys and girls play
together freely and uninhibitedly. There appear to be no taboos against
boys playing 'with girls' toys, or vice versa, and in adult life there
is no rigid division of labor along sexual lines.
The sex play of young children is viewed by adults with tolerant
amusement, and masturbation, though ridiculed, is not actively
disapproved, with the result that informants recall having practiced it
with no apparent feelings of guilt or shame. Attempts at heterosexual
activity on the part of children are, generally speaking, ignored, and
if noted tend to evoke amusement or mild ridicule on the part of adults.
Owing to sleeping arrangements within the Aymara household, children
are, moreover, aware of adult sexuality from early childhood, and it is
not surprising in view of the lax attitudes towards sexual behavior
that they themselves should experiment freely as soon as they are so
inclined. As a consequence, both boys and girls have had first-hand
experience and are thoroughly familiar with sex long before they have
reached puberty. It seems unnecessary, therefore, to point out that in
this society no importance whatever is attached to virginity.[See note
1]
As adolescence approaches, girls are often admonished by their mothers
not to have "too many" love affairs, but maternal advice in regard to
affairs of the heart is customarily elastic and vague.[See note 2] In
few instances do illegitimate children constitute a bar to the
marriageability of their unwed mothers. Boys are merely warned not to
make girls pregnant, lest they become involved with some undesirable
and unscrupulous woman who might have serious matrimonial intentions.
Evidence furnished by life histories indicates that in not a few
instances girls or women take the initiative in making sexual advances,
and, indeed, it is the opinion of some Aymara that women are more
ardent than men.[See note 3]
It has been noted how Aymara childhood experiences tend to predispose
the individual towards attitudes of servility and ingratiation;
therefore it would not seem unreasonable to suspect that homosexuality
might be common in this society.[See note 4] Indeed Bertonio makes it
quite clear that both male and female homosexuality, as well as formal
transvestitism, were far from unknown among the Colonial Aymara.[See
note 5] In present-day Chucuito, however, homosexuality appears to be
very rare if, indeed, it exists at all. This can be explained in part
in terms of the stringent taboos against it, especially on the part of
the Church and the local Mestizos. It also seems likely that the
apparent absence of homosexual practices may be attributed in part to
the notable laxity of Aymara mores with regard to heterosexual behavior.
[Note 1] Paredes writes "Ninguna importancia dan a la virginidad de la
mujer. ... " Paredes, 1936, 123.
[Note 2] Even in Inca times Aymara women were notorious for their free
and "dissolute" ways. Garcilaso wrote: "Demas desta buleria
consentian en muchas l.c., Provincias del Collao una gran infamia, y
era que las mujeres, antes de casarse, podian ser cuan malas quisiessen
de sus personas, y las mas disolutas se caravan mas aina, como que
fuesse mayor callidad haver sido malissima." Garcilaso de la Vega,
1723, book 2, chap. 19.
[Note 3] It should be noted that in Chucuito rape is so rare that it is
almost unknown.
[Note 4] Kardiner, 1939, 332.
[Note 5] Bertonio, 1879b, vol. 2, 40 (Ccaccha); 154 (Huaussa; Keussa);
also see LaBarre, 1948, 133-135.
DE: Ideas-About-Sexuality; Homosexuality; Sex-Education
OCM: 831; 838; 864
CNTL: 4680
Record 60 of 63
TI: The Aymara Indians of the Lake Titicaca Plateau, Bolivia.
AU: LaBarre,-Weston
SOC: Society-Aymara-South-America
FOC: General
TIME: 1937-1938
PUB1: American Anthropologist, Memoir Number 68, Vol. 50, No. 1, Pt. 2.
Menasha, Wisconsin: American Anthropological Association.
PAGE: 216
DATE: 1948
TEXT: Besides an extensive anatomical knowledge, the Aymara also have
the rudiments of a native physiological science, as has been touched
upon in part elsewhere. They recognize puberty (qahola) and its
characteristic changes, and they know the connection between coitus,
anisina, pregnancy, waiqe, and childbirth, wawacana or wawalurana.
(These latter terms mean "to bear a child," while yurina means "to be
born." The parturition of animals is distinquished from the above as
latxatiwa.) They recognize that the disease sisu comes from sexual
intercourse with another person who has it, and they effectively use a
pomade of mercury in curing syphilis. An impotent man is qolu haqi, a
sterile woman macura. Bertonio has "Colluri, Collukheri marmi: Muger
que dexo de parir" and "Comi: Muger esteril, o hembre" (cf. "Comitatha:
Dexar de poner hueuos la gallina por aquella vez"). He lists also
"Llasani, vel Comi caura: Hembra esteril." A woman with a strong sexual
appetite is called areca. An effeminate man is designated qeusa ;
Nejezschleb photographed and described to me an Aymara transvestite
berdache he had seen in the yungas. An erection is called saitana or
saititu, and the qeusa is believed to be incapable of it. Castration,
as is indicated by the term kapana, is apparently post-Spanish among
the Aymara (see p. 75), although some scholars have argued (I believe
doubtfully) that the Inca had palace eunuchs. No term for masturbation
was obtained. Bertonio, however, makes what may be a reference to
masturbation: "Llausa llausa mistuyasitha: Cometer peccado de molicie
la muger. Sapaca mistuyasitha: El hombre" ("Llausa, Thaltha, Vikhira:
Baua [saliva] y tambien Semen mulieris"; "Hathasina vel Sapaca:
Semen"). Cf. "Llausatha: Padecer fluxum feminis, las mugeres o las
hembras." The use of native aphrodisiacs and anaphrodisiacs is
described elsewhere.
DE: Body-Alteration; Sexual-Intercourse; Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 304; 833; 839
CNTL: 4696
Record 61 of 63
TI: A civilizacao indigena do Uaupes. [The indigenous civilization of
the Uaupes].
AU: Silva,-Alcionilio-Bruzzi-Alves-da
SOC: Society-Tucano-South-America
FOC: General
TIME: 1947-1958
PUB1: Sao Paulo, Centro de Pesquisas de Iauarete.
PAGE: 593
DATE: 1962
TEXT: Perhaps, however, nudity alternating with periods in which they
are clothed, always renewing the degenerating action of the nudity,
aggravates this state of things. Thus their own clothes become
transformed into excitation, especially some poorly fitted to the body.
One will not be surprised, then, that on this ground thrive, moreover,
unnatural habits, such as masturbation (swese pa-darese, dara-yase,
bestiality (dyayo-mera woratise) [See note 123],
[Note 123] Dyayo-mera woaratise means, properly speaking,
intercourse-with-dog, perhaps because of being the only form of
bestiality that they practice.
sodomy (na-sirotuse), homosexualism, male (o'ma-se'saro) [See
note 124]
[Note 124] It is to be lamented that some of these episodes take place
in the piassava groves, in which groups of young men spend months,
often in the company of the civilized, engaged in the extraction of the
piassava, or other products, in places far from their povoados and
where only once a month, if that often, a launch comes to bring
merchandise ("aviamento" [preparation, provision] they say) for their
food, etc.
and female (nu myo se saro), and pederasty. And it seems that similar
acts are verified even where the instinctive natural satisfaction is
possible.
DE: Ideas-About-Sexuality; Homosexuality; Miscellaneous-Sexual-Behavior
OCM: 831; 838; 839
CNTL: 4998
Record 62 of 63
TI: The Cubeo: Indians of the northwest Amazon.
AU: Goldman,-Irving
SOC: Society-Tucano-South-America
FOC: Cubeo
TIME: 1939-1940
PUB1: Illinois Studies in Anthropology, No. 2. Urbana: University of
Illinois Press.
PAGE: 181
DATE: 1963
TEXT: The Cubeo have no dread of menstruation and menstrual taboos are
relatively minor. A man will not copulate with a menstruating woman
because he believes it will make him lazy. On the other hand, if there
is a sick person in the house a menstruant will move and live in a
shelter nearby, or else the ill person cannot recover. For her part the
menstruant must avoid the river, or she will be killed by the water
anaconda. She may not enter a canoe for fear that the headman of the
fish will destroy the canoe.
Menstrual blood (hive) is not human blood, but is believed to be blood
of the moon. The moon, according to the Cubeo, is an ardent hunter who
comes down to earth to copulate with unmarried girls and with women who
are not pregnant. No one conceives by the moon. The moon is said to
deflorate the woman, causing her to bleed. The hymen, according to this
belief, grows back and the moon repeats his sexual connection each
month. When a woman has erotic dreams she knows that the moon will come
to her.
SEX LIFE
Under Cubeo rules of phratric exogamy the young people of a community
may reach the age of marriage without having had sexual relations with
an eligible marriage partner. The young people are limited to
clandestine incestuous affairs and to public homosexual play. It was
difficult to get information on the sex life of the unmarried, although
I was aware of affairs between sib brother and sister. One informant
told me that it was not improper for brother and sister to indulge in
external coitus. According to this man, it was intromission that
constituted incest. True coitus between sib brother and sister is not
regarded lightly. Offenders may be put to death, and their souls after
death, it is said, will be animals that will not associate with people.
I never witnessed any gesture of sexual intimacy between a grown boy
and girl of the same sib or phratry. Young children who indulge in
heterosexual play are shamed by the older boys for ignoring the
proprieties of privacy.
As for homosexual play, girls stroke one another's nipples to produce
erection, and boys sometimes indulge in mutual masturbation. This kind
of play is public and involves no shame. I have already mentioned the
Cubeo enjoyment of body contact. In the younger people it is a mild
form of homosexual eroticism. True homosexuality, however, seems to be
rare. I learned of no case of persistent male homosexuality, and only
one case of a woman. This woman developed strong male characteristics
and eventually, it is said, she grew a penis.
DE: Sexual-Intercourse; Kinship-Regulation-Of-Sex; Homosexuality
OCM: 833; 835; 838
CNTL: 5031
Record 63 of 63
TI: The Cubeo: Indians of the northwest Amazon.
AU: Goldman,-Irving
SOC: Society-Tucano-South-America
FOC: Cubeo
TIME: 1939-1940
PUB1: Illinois Studies in Anthropology, No. 2. Urbana: University of
Illinois Press.
PAGE: 183
DATE: 1963
TEXT: Certain indications, such as elaboration of potency magic within
the ancestor cult, the frequency of adultery between young wives and
older married men, and the common male complaint that their wives are
too ardent, all point to some male sexual difficulties at least in the
early stages of marriage. The women, who have their private erotic
relationship with auya, the moon, regard this luminary as an inspector
of connubial coitus. He comes to observe, the women say, how much
sexual power their husbands have. The moon, however, is only an
observer, for male potency is the province of the ancestors and is not
affected by any other magic. Women have love magic which they use
often, but only to draw the attention of a man. It is interesting that
while women ply men with love magic a man uses such magic only once,
when he is seeking a bride. Once he is married he may prefer to apply
an antiaphrodisiac to his wife. The suggestion then is of masculine
potency disturbances. We may attribute these disturbances to the rules
of community exogamy and their accompanying outlets in homosexual play,
in masturbation, and in near incest. Since homosexual play and
masturbation involve neither shame nor apparent guilt, their
psychological effects are probably not lasting. Near incest, on the
other hand, is censored and is kept secret insofar as that is possible
in a small community, and may, therefore, be a serious source of guilt
and of more serious sexual maladjustment. Adultery does not seem to
offer a convenient sexual outlet for the younger unmarried men, first
because the young wives prefer an affair with an older married man, and
second because very few young men would dare to risk the public
disapproval of such an act. An older man will face his outraged
sibmates, not to mention the outraged husband, with some savoir-faire.
If necessary he will leave the sib and start an independent community
elsewhere. But no young man will willingly break the bonds of male sib
solidarity. He must fall back, therefore, upon the more troublesome
sexual outlets.
Presumably what are problems of sexual adjustment for the boys are
problems for the girls as well, but perhaps of lesser significance.
Many girls have enjoyed satisfying sexual relationships with whites in
the region, and even in near incest affairs the psychological problem
for the girl would seem to be reduced because it is the male who is the
guardian of sib morality and not the girl.
DE: Sex-Offenses-And-Crimes; Ideas-About-Sexuality
OCM: 684; 831
CNTL: 5033
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