はじめに よんでください

陳光興『方法としてのアジア』ノート

Note on "Asia as Method: Toward deimperialization," 2010.

池田 光穂

注意：このノートは個人の研究用のノートであり、著者の意見や主張を反映するものではありません

Chen, Kuan-Hsing, 2010. Asia as Method: Toward deimperialization. Durham: Duke University Press./ 脱帝国 : 方法としてのアジア / 陳光興著 ; 丸川哲史訳, 以文社 , 2011/ 去帝國 : 亞洲作為方法 / 陳光興著, 行人出版社 , 2007.

研究会に関する情報

■2011年2月5日（土）15時〜18時

陳光興（Chen Kuan-Hsing）教授の近著（Asia As Method: Towards Deimperialization, Duke University Press, 978-0822346760）をめぐる、東アジア地域の脱帝国化とその方法論をめぐる問題、とりわけアジア研究者のネットワーク化などについて、議論す る。

■2月6日（日）10時〜13時

アジア知識人にまつわるディアスポラ経験について陳教授に短いスピーチをしていただき、それを受けたり、また各人の考えたり、あるいはフィールドの人々の ディアスポラ経験などを披瀝してもらい、２１世紀の人々が直面しているディアスポラ／非ディアスポラ経験（あるいは状況）について、自由討論する。


Chen, Kuan-Hsing, 2010. Asia as Method: Toward deimperialization. Durham: Duke University Press.

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01■中国語論文「「亞洲」作為方法」の英文抄録（本書第５章の初出論文）

In confronting the long lasting impacts of “leaving Asia for America” (tuo-yaru-mei) in the Post World War II Taiwan, this essay puts forward “Asia as method” as a critical proposition to transform the existing knowledge structure and to transform ourselves. Its bottom line implication is that, mediating through the horizon of “Asia” as an imaginary anchoring point, societies in Asia could begin to mutually see the existence of one another and become one another’s reference points, so that the understanding of the self can be transformed, and subjectivity rebuilt.

On this basis, to push one step further, historical experiences and practices in Asia can be developed as an alternative horizon or perspective, and seen as method to advance a different understanding of world history. The argument must be placed in the context of a new global order after the 911 Incident. Various regional mechanisms have gradually emerged to counter US imperialism and global hegemony. In this process, the integration of Asia remains slow and informal. “Asia as method” is then a call for regional integration in Asia as a necessary mechanism to maintain global peace.

The paper is organized in the form of a series of dialogues. (I) The first part deals with the question of the ‘West’, as it is rehearsed again in the postcolonial discursive strategies. Here, the essay confronts the historical question of the West and to pinpoint understandable but unnecessary obsession with the question of the west, and then point towards the imaginary Asia as a possibility to shift its referent point. (II) In the second part, the essay tries to demonstrate what can be gained from this shift by engaging dialogue with Partha Chatterjee’s recent proposed theory of ‘political society’, with reference to practices emerging in India, in that the analytical notion of ‘min-jian’, which was a “pre-modern” term and is still operating in the mandarin Chinese speaking places, was rediscovered as a contemporary living space, intersecting but somehow excluded by the imposed concept of ‘civil society’. By analyzing how civil society has been “translated” as min-jian society, it argues that “translation” provides a means to conduct the re-investigation so that the organic shape and characteristics of local society and modernity can begin to emerge. (III) The third part comes to the theoretical formulation of ‘Asia as method’, through dialogue with Misogugi Yozo’s “China as method”, by focusing on his historical-ontological claim of a theory of ‘base-entity’ (ji-ti), which is closer to my own earlier attempt to work and rework a ‘geo-colonial historical materialism’, in that we argue the necessity to capture the constantly changing base entity, through which different base entity in different locales in Asia could become the referent point of each other and become part of each other’s subjectivity, so that the ‘self’ can be transformed. Therefore, ‘Asia as method’ ceases to look at Asia as object of analysis, but actually means medium to transform knowledge production, and the driving force of the rediscover and transforming of the self.

The conclusion section comes back to the “leaving Asia for America” problematic and teases out the implication of Asia as method for “Taiwan” to reposition itself so as to reconstitute a critical subjectivity. It argues that Cross-Strait relation, Chinese International and Asia Regional are in fact the trajectories and routes of globalization, and Taiwan has to self-consciously place itself within these network of relations as its own self-positioning.


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02■PREFACE

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03◎呼びかけの書

"this book calls for critical intellectuals in the former and current colonies of the third world to once again deepen and widen decolonization movements""(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: vii)

"It further calls for critical intellectuals in countries that were or are imperialist to undertake a deimperialization movement by re examining their own imperialist histories and the harmful impacts those histories have had on the world. Dialectical interaction between these two processes is a precondition for reconciliation between the colonizer and the colonized, and only after such a reconciliation has been accomplished will it be possible for both groups to move together toward global democracy."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: vii)

04◎ On Pin Pin’s film, Singapore Ga Ga

"The director [Tan Pin Pin] uses sounds familiar to Singaporeans as a means of articulation. Interviews with several "average" Singaporeans document the details of their daily lives, including their fantasies, such as the old man who plays the harmonica and dances to his own rhythms in the subway, and who claims to be a Singapore national treasure recognized by the National Arts Council"(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: vii-viii)

05◎ナショナリズムに対する態度は「純粋な否定」から「条件付き受容」へ

"My own attitude toward nationalism has thus changed over the years from pure negation to a conditional acceptance."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: x)

06◎脱＝冷戦の定義、しかし、これでは擬人化した社会の冷戦の「トラウマ」状況？

"what I call "de-cold war," confronting the legacies and continuing tensions of the cold war"(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: x)

07◎「方法としての〜」標題と、分析／理論手法を示さないこと

"He [Lu Xun] puts himself inside the event itself and, with no trace of self-indulgence, attempts to intervene. Lu Xun seldom begins or ends a discussion with theoretical abstractions, though the political and intellectual implications of his writing often go far beyond the event to which he responds. To reclaim this mode of intellectual practice through the space opened up by cultural studies is to ground ourselves in the cultures of our own - that is, to address the issues arising out of our own puzzling environments. As readers will notice, most of the chapters of this book do not begin with an analytical concept or a set of theoretical propositions."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: xi)

08◎［具体的］社会世界に［効果的に］関わることと、学問的言説

"My primary concern is with the social world, and I engage with academic discourse only when this kind of explanatory machinery (=academic discourse?) is necessary to understand real conditions"(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: xi)

"There is no desire to formulate theoretical concepts which are applicable to all events and in all contexts. The point is to generate historically grounded explanations so that specific interventions can be waged more effectively."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: xi)

09◎未完の脱植民地化／台湾はまだ帝国の陰のもとに

"What we discover is that decolonization in Taiwan has not yet really taken place. This conclusion is the point of departure for the central argument of the book, which emerges step by step in the following chapters."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: xiii)

"After tracing the changing images of the United States in global politics before and after September 11, 2001, the chapter argues that in the instance of Club 51, we find a continuing commitment to identify with the empire, a clear result of three earlier moments of imperialization: those of the Chinese empire, the Japanese military occupation, and U.S. imperialism in the period after the Second World War."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: xiv-xv)

10a◎方法としてアジアの可能性

"Asia as method creates new possibilities for intellectual work. The implication of Asia as method is that using Asia as an imaginary anchoring points can allow societies in Asia to become one another's reference points, so that the understanding of the self can be transformed, and subjectivity rebuilt"(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: xv)


10b◎ Is Asia as “Imagined Community” ?


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11■Introduction: Globalization and Deimperialization 1

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12◎ポスト植民地主義の「動機」：グローバリゼーション理解の位相

"If postcolonial studies is obsessed with the critique of the West and its transgressions, the discourses surrounding globalization tend to have shorter memories, thereby obscuring the relationships between globalization and the imperial and colonial past from which it emerged. This book puts the history of colonialism and imperialism back into globalization studies. In my view, without the trajectories of imperialism and colonialism, one cannot properly map the formation and conditions of globalization. Most importantly, the critical desire for a progressive form of globalization can be endorsed only if it puts the intent to deimperialize before all else. Globalization without deimperialization is simply a disguised reproduction of imperialist conquest."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 2)

13■アジアにおけるアジア研究の認識論的含意

14◎脱植民地化されていない「普遍主義者」のヴィジョン

"The epistemological implication of Asian studies in Asia is clear. If "we" have been doing Asian studies, Europeans, North Americans, Latin Americans, and Africans have also been doing studies in relation to their own living spaces. That is, Martin Heidegger was actually doing European studies, as were Michel Foucault, Pierre Bourdieu, and Jiirgen Habermas. European experiences were their system of reference. Once we recognize how extremely limited the current conditions of knowledge are, we learn to be humlble about our knowledge claims. The universalist assertions of theory are premature, for theory too must be deimperialized."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 3)

15◎グローバリゼーション

"My use of the word "globalization" does not imply the neoliberal assertion that imperialism is a historical ruin, or that now different parts of the world have become interdependent, interlinked, and mutually beneficiary. Instead, by globalization I refer to capital-driven forces which seek to penetrate and colonize all spaces on the earth with unchecked freedom, and that in so doing have eroded national frontiers and integrated previously unconnected zones. In this ongoing process of globalization, unequal power relations become intensified, and imperialism expresses itself jn a new form."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 4)

16◎脱植民地化の時間的位相が脱・冷戦を招来する

"Only after the cold war eased, creating the condition of possibility for globalization, did decolonization return with the full force of something long repressed. But unlike the immediate postwar period, this moment of decolonization requires us to confront and explore the legacies and ongoing tensions of the cold war-an imperative I designate as "de-cold war.""(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 4)

17◎国民国家形成以前の歴史的痕跡やアレンジメント

"Although the political structure of East Asia has been reshaped along the lines of the modern nation-state, the dense history of the region has prevented it from complete or rapid disintegration. The current configuration of big and small nation-states in the region,
for example, closely mirrors the historical arrangement of suzerain and vassal states that existed before the Second World War. Simply put, the current international order in East Asia is a reconfiguration of the old Sinocentric structure combined with the so-called "moden" system of the nation-state."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 5)

18◎皇民化（imperialization of the subject）

"the Japanese colonial state launched an "imperialization of the subject" (kominka) movement in 1937 to transform the colonized people in Taiwan and Korea into its imperial subjects (Chou 1996).... [double process: (1) Assimilation, (2) Empire’s Identity formation by “colonized” system - M. Ikeda] ... the Japanese kominka movement can now be read as one instance of a historical practice, one that allows us to foreground the problematic of this double process. If this theoretical move stands, it raises a. more burning question: what would be the consequences if deimperialization did not happen? When the empire is eroded and the de colonization process gathers momentum, we expect deimperialization to occur in both the imperial country and the colony, but the experience in East Asia after the Second World War has shown us that this process can be interrupted."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 6-7)

19◎連合軍による「日本占領」

"In 1945, when Japan was finally defeated, the deimperialization process had just begun, but Japan was then occupied for seven years by the Allies, who put General Douglas MacArthur in charge of the country, and its status shifted quickly from that of colonizer to colonized."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 7)

・→加藤典洋の「ねじれ」経験

20■ Caherine Hall(2002)の仕事

- (1) Assimilation: Colonizer attempts to transform the colonized..

- "Much recent historical research, in particular the work of Catherine Hall (2002), has forcefully demonstrated that (2) the identity of the empire is directly shaped by its relation with the colony. In light of this discussion, the Japanese kominka movement can now be read as one instance of a historical practice, one that allows us to foreground the problematic of this double process."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 7)

21◎帝国の中枢／周辺システムの再編成（近代化？）

"The improvement of the Chinese economy has not only put China back in the center of global power, it has facilitated imaginings - both positive and negative - of regional reintegration in Northeast Asia. Although it is true that a new regional structure is forming as the center of gravity in Asia shifts, it would be ridiculous and unacceptable to understand the situation as simply the return of the old Chinese empire in the form of an updated tributary system. Nevertheless, the view of China as a the rhetoric of globalization began to take off, and by the early 1990s, "globalization" had become a buzzword in the academy."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 7-8)

Maruyama Masao(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 11)：丸山真男

Muto Ichiyo (Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 11)：武藤一羊

Chinese Communist Party, CCP, p.11

Nationalist Party, the Kuomintang, or KMT, p.11：国民党

22■何をもって「中国」と表象するのか？——現今の多様な中国はグローバリゼーションの産物？

"China's reopening to the world in the late 1970s was an important condition for the formation of neoliberal globalization, especially in East Asia. Inside China, Deng Xiaoping's southern tour (nanxun) in 1992 officially marked the country's market turn, and the changes brought about by this shift have only escalated since then."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 12)

"on the one hand, there is the real sentiment of suffering that is the legacy of Western and Japanese imperialist invasions, and the corresponding reactive dangers inherent in the presently emerging Chinese triumphalism; on the other hand, there is the deeper necessity to reflexively take up China's empire (if not imperialist) status in relation to the rest of Asia, which - though from an earlier historical moment - has generated lasting hegemonic, pressure on the whole of East Asia."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 13)

Sun Yat-sen's Great Asianism, , p.13：孫文の大アジア主義

Albert Memmi , p.13

"In 1957 Albert Memmi made a clear demand: "'The disclosures having been made, the cruelty of the truth having been admitted., the relationship of Europe with her former colonies must be reconsidered. Having abandoned the colonial framework, it is important for all of us to discover a new way of living with that relationship" (Memmi 1991 [1957], 146)"(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 14)

"[C]ounter neoliberal globalization,...." p.16
"But to counter neoliberal globalization, a global decolonization and deimperialization movement must first be carried out. If the colonized and colonizer do not address the history of imperialism and colonialism together, it is impossible to build solidarity among the so called global multitudes. If the world is not to go on as a theater of imperial conquests and rivalries, then deimperialization is a necessary intellectual and political commitment."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 16)


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23■1. The Imperialist Eye: The Discourse of the Southward Advance and the Subimperial Imaginary 17

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Democratic Progressive Party, DPP, p.17

24◎準帝国［主義者］subempire, subimperialist

"[D]id Taiwan finally express its true subimperialist nature," p.18, p.20(third paragraph)

"I use the word "subempire" to refer to a lower-level empire that is dependent on an empire at a higher level in the imperialist hierarchy. Neocolonial imperialism here refers to a form of structural domination in which a country with more global power uses political and economic interventions in other countries to influence, policy and exercise control over markets. Unlike the earlier colonial imperialism, which depended on, invasion, occupation, and usurpation of sovereignty to further economic interests, neocolonial imperialism uses military force as a support mechanism and employs it only as a last resort. '"(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 18)

25◎台湾＝準帝国の諸相

"The state-capital alliance is the engine for the formation of Taiwanese subimperialism. The emergence of the southward-advance discourse in the 1990s demonstrated that capital accumulation in Taiwan had accelerated to the extent that within fifty years, the island had metamorphosed from a colony into a quasi-empire, no longer occupying a marginal position on the map of global capitalism. Constricted economically by a mega-empire, it joined the game of imperialist competition by investing downward in order to seize markets, resources, and labor in less developed countries. Taking into consideration the three-worlds theory put forward at the 1955 Bandung Conference, we may ask if this means that some third-world areas-such as the so-called Four Little Tigers (Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan) or other newly industrialized countries - have acquired the strength to expand abroad and have thereby redrawn the world map. Or do we need to produce a layered analysis to chart the political meanings of the emerging internal differences within the third world?"(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 20)

26◎第三世界カルスタの問題系：文化の歴史的空間的文脈性？

- The Problematic of Third-World Cultural Studies, pp.20-

"In the field of cultural studies, the third world as an analytical category has also been ignored.... (1) First, if historical materialism is the assumed methodology of cultural studies, and industrial capitalism its assumed reference system of practices, then what sort of analytical machinery can be developed to engage with agricultural societies in third-world spaces, where peasants are still the dominant group in the population? (2) Second, without a category such as the third world, local analysis is shaped by concept of the nation-state, which explains the emergence of British, American, Canadian, Australian, and other "national" cultural studies. (3) Third, questions of colonialism and imperialism have been pushed to the side in former imperial centers."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 21)

27◎第三世界／グローバリゼーション／帝国主義の問題点

"Finally, with the rejection of the third world as an outdated category, globalization has become an alibi that is used to erase history and politics. One overt example of this is John Tomlinson's Cultural Imperialism (1991). The concluding chapter, "From Imperialism to Globalization," exemplifies the strategy of replacing the pejorative "imperialism" with the neutral "globalization.""(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 21)

28◎帝国主義の現状（ネオ〜？）

"the critical conditions and constitutive effects of imperialism have not changed and may have intensified: (1) the corporate monopoly system persists in core metropolitan centers; (2) the continuous expansion of economic power in the center intensifies its ambition to control resources and markets elsewhere; (3) the international division of labor continues to enrich the advanced capitalist zones; (4) powerful industrialized countries continue to increase their exports and investments abroad; (5) the exploitation of labor deepens; (6) the gap between the rich and the poor grows around the world; and (7) the environment in colonized areas continues to deteriorate."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 22)

29◎「文化と帝国主義」（Summary points of Said's Culture and Imperialism(1993), p.25）

"For Said, imperialism and colonialism are not simply matters of capital accumulation and the seizure of territory and resources. Only with the backing of a powerful ideological formation can a state overcome internal differences while at the same time amassing enough energy and resources to conquer external territories (ibid., 9). During the process of imperial expansion, the imperial power projects its own understanding onto the colony in its attempt to define the colonized culture. Through its continuously changing relations with the colony, the imperialist country reaches self-definition and self-affirmation. Its imperialist subjectivity is constituted by its power relations with the colony"(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 24-25)

"three interpretive directions emerge from reading Said: (1) the formation of imperialism is inevitably supported by cultural discourse and ideology; (2) the imperialist subject's identity can only be affirmed in relation to the colonized; and (3) the imperialist cultural imaginary conditions the vision and horizon of the colonized."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 25)

on Renato Constantino (Filipino historian, 1919-1999), pp.31-

Japanese scientists visions on the nature of Taiwan, pp.32-35
(relation from Wallace to Gramusci)

30◎ファノンへの言及

"Fanon's self-psychoanalytic account suggests that the writing subject's strong desire is to replace the white colonizer and become him, rather than to recognize his own existence as a black man."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 40)

31◎中国文化イデオロギー（？）

"The identification with cultural China can be very oppressive to ethnic Chinese who do not live in mainland China. They are marginalized in their local environment, but at the same time they are often asked to be Chinese. A strong ethnocentric tendency often operates in the concept of cultural China."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 40)

on "Aboriginal, " p.53

aboriginal rebellion against the Dutch invaders, 1635, p.55

Taiwanese Nationalism Co-opted, pp.52-59

"The Taiwanese subimperialist eye, a role performed by the cultural discourse in question, was constructed to see the world according to a new southward-advance worldview, but its role was, mediated through the eye of the old Japanese empire."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 59)

"The old empire's I refers to 1930s Tokyo, headquarters of the first southward advance, and its subject positions were located within the Japanese military state. The subempire's I, however, was located in 1990s Taipei -- the headquarters of its southward advance was the office of the president of Taiwan, in a building that had housed the office of the Japanese colonial governor -- and the subject positions of President Lee as the articulating agent were ruler, Han Chinese, Taiwanese, heterosexual, and male. The differences that emerged during the transition between the two were geopolitical location and ethnic identity: Taipei replaced Tokyo, and Han Chinese and Taiwanese replaced Japanese."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 60)

32◎第三世界カルチュラルスタディーズ

On the third-world nationalist imagination (Anderson 1991:163-185), p.63

"The third-world cultural studies,....," p.64

"Third-world cultural studies, actively confronting the phenomena and problems of lived reality, can be more powerful and more liberating if, in our analysis, we can identify and act on points for intervention."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 64)


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33■2. Decolonization: A Geocolonial Historical Materialism 65

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"Through the international system of nation-states, global capitalism unifies the plurality of geographical spaces and histories into a single, measurable structure."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 66)

34◎ポストコロニアル批判（Fanon, Memmi and Nandy）

"Fanon's critique of nationalism at the peak of the third-world independence movement in the 1950s and 1960s, Memmi's questioning of nativism during the 1950s and 1960s, and Nandy's revitalization of a critical traditionalism (what I shall later describe as civilizationalism) in the early 1980s all emerged in response to problems of de colonization."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 67)

"my purpose is to analyze and disarticulate colonialist and imperialist cultural imaginaries that are still actively shaping our present. By questioning the objects of identification, theoretical discourse on colonial identifications offers a way to address pressing contemporary issues. But this reading is a critical exercise, not a blind appreciation. As we move along, the limits of these positions will also be identified."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 69)

35◎マノーニの視点

"Mannoni brings the colonizer into the picture of colonial relations and starts to address the psychological condition of the previously concealed master. Unlike the colonial psychologist, whose central concern was the colony and whose enunciative position was left unexamined, Mannoni had the colonizer as his target, and his analysis presupposed a relationship of mutually constituted subjectivity."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 74)

"Even though Mannoni was obviously against colonial exploitation and racial discrimination, in his position as a colonial information officer - who attempted to account for the 1947 anticolonial revolt in which more than a hundred thousand Madagascans were killed - he could not escape the epistemic limits of Eurocentrism."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 75)

"his analysis prepared the colonizer to face the anxiety of having to leave the colony. Mannoni's work can be located within the wave of writings and practices that constitute the postwar decolonization movement, but his particular contribution was to document the psychological struggles of that specific historical moment, which prepared the way for later psychoanalyses of the colonizer."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 75)

36■精神分析的脱植民地化　The Psychoanalysis of Decolonization

"[Aime] Cesaire attacked Mannoni's Eurocentric superiority in his Discourse on Colonialism (1972 [1953]) a text that served as an inspiration for Fanon's intervention....[In Fannon's discussion] The alienation of the black cannot be reduced to the question of individual psychology. It is the social structure that conditions the collective psyche; hence, to use his words, "the black man must wage his war on both levels" (ibid.). Fanon's emphasis on the historical conditions of power relations is what distinguishes his basic analytical stand from Mannoni's."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 77)

"Mannoni argues that "colonial exploitation is not the same as other forms of exploitation, and colonial racialism is different from other kinds of racialism" (quoted ibid., 88). Fanon counters that "colonial racism is no different from any other racism," and that "all forms of exploitation are identical because all of them are applied against the same 'object' man" (ibid.).... Many postcolonial theorists focus on a singular structure of domination-along the continuum of race, ethnicity, nation, and civilization - and are unwilling to bring other structures into the picture. But if structures of domination have historically always been interlinked and mutually referencing, then colonial structures are necessarily entangled with other structures of power."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 80)

37◎ホブソン：ナショナリズムと帝国主義の結びつき

"J.A. Hobson, as early as 1902, had remarked on the dose ties between nationalism and imperialism: the latter, he argued, cannot function without the former (Hobson 1965 [1902])."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 82)

38◎メンミの忘れられた意義

"In the last two chapters of his seminal work, The Colonizer and the Colonized, Albert Memmi documented and analyzed this nativist "self rediscovery movement." Although Memmi never used the word "nativism," the phenomenon he described is what I understand today to be the nativist movement. The book was originally published in 1957, five years after the first publication of Black Skin, White Masks, and four years before that of The Wretched of the Earth. But unlike Fanon's work, Memmi's important statement about nativism was neglected by the third-world nativist movement, and it has not received enough attention in contemporary postcolonial studies. If Mannoni's text can be understood as a colonizer's, confession, and Fanon's as a self-analysis of the colonized then Memmi's occupies a position closer to that of the subject with a split identity."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 85)

39◎ネイティヴィズム運動（否定から自己形成へ）

"For Memmi, the deep hurt of the colonized cannot be completely cured: "we must await the complete disappearance of the colonization - including the period of revolt" (ibid., 141). Indeed, the period of revolt is a moment of pure negation. Nativist movements will have to move beyond this negativity to reconstitute the self. And it is in that moment of overcoming that nativism can be transformed."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 88)

the critical traditionalism of Gandhi, pp.90- (see, “Gandhi wanted to liberate India and at the same time liberate England,” p.200)

"If nationalism is a general form of decolonization which targets the nation-state at the political level, then nativism is a downward cultural movement operating in everyday life, and civilizationalism is an upward version of nativism, often formed in physically larger geographical spaces with relatively long histories, and usually set against the imaginary West. These three forms cannot be reduced to a single plane of analysis."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 94)

"As Memmi points out, the colonizer's racism is always offensive, but the racism of the colonized is reactive and defensive in nature. As he puts it, "though xenophobia and racism of the colonized undoubtedly contain enormous resentment and are negative forces, they could be the prelude to a positive movement, the regaining of self-control by the colonized"(ibid.)."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 95)

40◎ディアスポラ・アイデンティティは…

"the colonizer and the colonized. Recent postcolonial studies have criticized the tendencies of binarism and essentialism implicit in these two subject positions. The notion of diaspora, popular in the 1990s, stressed the fluidity of identity, but this and other similar theoretical moves run the risk of denying the relevance of the colonial structure, or indeed of any form of stable identity. Most of the important issues in colonial history cannot be discussed without having the colonial structure in mind. At the same time, we need to remember Fanon's point about other structures coexisting in the same social formation. The colonial regime is a "structure in dominance" (in the Althusserian sense) that intersects with other structural forces."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 95)

41◎批判的ごちゃまぜ主義　A Critical Syncretism

"First, critical identity politics needs to shift and to multiply its objects of identification so that structural divisions can be breached, making it possible to seek alliances outside one's own limited frame. Second, the articulating agent, critical for building connections across structures, needs to be especially conscious of cultivating and even occupying identities defined by multiple structures."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 99)

42◎文化的アイデンティティ（S・ホール）

"In the essay "The Question of Cultural Identity" Stuart Hall proposes a list of the contradictory effects of globalization:

1. Cultural homogeneity and the global-postmodern breaks down national identity.

2. Resistance to globalization has deepened national and local identity.

3 National identity is in decline, but new forms of hybrid identity are gaining their positions. (Hall 1992a, 330 )"(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 100)

"cultural studies should be understood not simply as an academic discipline, but as a field of intellectual practices connecting with various other forms of struggle."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 102)

43◎方法論としての歴史的唯物論の見直し

"If cultural studies can be repositioned as an integral part of the global decolonization movement, then its assumed methodology - historical materialism - must also be renewed and reworked in the new context of globalization."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 102)

44◎ウィットフォーゲル

"In an important essay, "Geopolitics, Geographical Materialism and Marxism" (1985 [1929]), Wittfogel considers the central problematic for the early German geographical materialist tradition to be the relation between nature and human society. By nature, he means the environment, ecology, weather, natural resources, and topography. Bringing the issue to the framework of historical materialism, the question posed at the time was: "which factor ultimately determines historical development, the natural or the social?" (Wittfogel 1985 [1929],54).... Wittfogel writes: "If the totality of the powers of production determine the character of the mode of production -at any given historical moment, it is the social aspects which (being the actively motivating agents) determine change, whereas the naturally conditioned agents determine whether and if change is possible and accordingly the direction of this change. Even as man puts nature to his 'service/ he thereby submits himself to nature (Plekhanov) and follows her" (ibid., 55j emphasis in original)."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 103)

"Having connected spatiality to the mode of production, Soja and Hadjimichalis immediately suggest that "it is primarily the reproduction process, however, which lies at the center of the spatial problematic" (ibid., 61). Here they turn to the three levels of the reproduction processes identified by Henri Lefebvre (biophysiological, labor power and means of production, and social relations of production) to locate the sites of the spatial problematic."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 105)

"Lefebvre's groundbreaking books The Production of Space (1991 [1974]) and The Survival of Capitalism (1976 [1973]) were critical transitional works, linked to the earlier moment while opening the way for work such as that of Manuel Castells and David Harvey."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 105)

45◎ヨーロッパモデルは普遍ではなく…

"To spatialize historical materialism is not only to remove Eurocentrism, but also to launch another round of spatializing (after historicizing) epistemology. For instance, the analysis of the Asiatic mode of production can no longer take the European mode of production as the ideal model or point of comparison. It is no longer a question of explaining why a Chinese mode of production cannot develop into a real (European) capitalist mode of production. Instead, the question becomes: within the imminent historical-geographical formation, how does a geographical space historically generate its own mode of production?"(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 106)

"Colonialism has transfigured the inner structure of the cultural imaginary in both the colony and the imperial center. To consider the colonial question on the same level as historical materialism and geographical historical materialism is (1) to politicize the epistemological grounding of historical materialism, so that colonization is necessarily placed at the center of analysis; (2) to remove the hidden Eurocentric elements, so that a more balanced account of the formation of different regional spaces of the world can surface; and (3) to emphasize the relative autonomy of local history and to insist on grasping analytically the specificities of the historical and the geographical."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 108)

46◎他者の想像的知覚

"The difference is that the Althusserian attempt is a general theory establishing the relation between the subject and its living world, whereas the cultural imaginary refers to an operating space within a social formation, in which the imaginary perception of the Other and self-understanding are articulated. In this domain, the structure of sentiment is the link and mediator between the colonizer and the colonized."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 111)

"colonialism is not yet a legacy but is still active in geocolonial sites on the levels of identification and cultural imaginary, and it continually reconfigures itself amid changing historical processes to reshape the colonial cultural imaginary."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 112)


==================================

47■3. De-Cold War: The Im/possibility of "Great Reconciliation" 115

==================================

(Citation)""For a long time, in Taiwan, anyone who criticized the U.S. would be labeled a "communist spy," which would destroy one's life and family. Unlike other progressive Intellectuals in the Third World, those in Taiwan lost the knowledge, ideas, and ability to criticize the hegemony of U.S. neo-colonialism.... "the best will study in the U.S." has become the highest value for young students in Taiwan." CHEN YING-ZHEN, "THE MAKING OF TAIWAN'S AMERICANIZATION""(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 115)

"in Taiwan in the late 1980s and early 1990s, when one-way visits to mainland China were officially made possible. Loaded with gifts and longing for home, groups of travelers passed through the old Hong Kong airport, eager to reunite with their relatives. In the early 1990s, after my mother died, my father, escorted by my older brother, was one of these travelers. He came home to Taipei silent, not even mentioning the living conditions of his children there. He never went again, dying in 1995."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 117)

"Chalmers Johnson argues in his well-documented book, Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire (2000), that even after the so-called end of the cold war, the United States has continued to rely on the same basic military strategy that it has deployed for the previous forty years. He warns that if the United States does not demobilize its empire, it will become an enemy to the rest of the world."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 119)

Within the category of bensheng ren （本省人）, Minnanese (who speak the language of southern Fujian province) are the largest population; Hakkanese and aboriginal people do not necessarily identity themselves as bensheng ren"(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 124)

bensheng ren （本省人)

waisheng ren （外省人）："there is no common language or customs among the waisheng population,14 and the term "waisheng ren" is meaningful only in relation to the term "bensheng ren.""(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 125)


48■Dou-sang, or the Logic of Hierarchy: Japan> Taiwan> Mainland China (Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 125)

"Dou-sang is a Taiwanese term for father that comes from the Japanese otosan"(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 125)

"First, there is an intergenerational conflict between Dou-sang and his children: in contrast to Dou-sang's Japaneseness, the children's patriotism has been shaped by the KMT state's nationalist education policies. Second, Dou-sang struggles to defend his masculine dignity as the head of the family. As a man who married into his wife's family, normally something done only by men from very poor families, Dou-sang does not have enough social capital to perform the expected patriarchal role... "A man," he says, "has to stand up to pee."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 126)

"Noticing that Dou-sang cannot understand her, the daughter speaks in Mandarin again, this time yelling in a high-pitched voice: "You are a Han traitor, a running dog. You are a Wang　Jingwei!" Dou-sang turns to Wenjian for help and scolds the daughter in stronger terms: "What is she saying now? Bakayarou [a rude Japanese term for "idiot"]!""(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 128)

""Evil wife, devil children is an expression not so much of Dou-sang's discontent with his family, but of an unspeakable sense of loneliness and powerlessness: "Pitiful, my youth. Sorrowful, Ply fate.""(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 131-132)

"The complex passion for Japan intensified when it was set in sharp contrast with the even harder life in the immediate postwar, Kuomintang era. Nostalgia for the good old days surfaced almost immediately. "We'd probably be better off if we were still living under Japanese rule" has been a general sentiment shared by the older generation of bensheng ren."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 133)

"By the 1970s, Japan had also become globally recognized as an advanced country. Thus Japan's position as the archetype of the modem was further consolidated, and to Dou-sang's generation, the perception was simply not open to challenge."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 133)

"The third-world nationalist desire for the modem and the colonialist civilizing mission are complementary; together they form the horizon of the popular structure of sentiment."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 134)

49■Banana Paradise: Trajectories: Anti-Japan -> Anticommunism -> Returning Home (Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 135)

"Unlike Dou-sangs unsentimental storytelling, Banana Paradise is full of black humor"(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 137)

"The film was released only two years after the 1987 lifting of martial law, when the political mood was still darkened by the shadow of the police state. Those decades of fear and violence inflicted by the state may account for the film's use of black humor, which was probably a textual strategy to soften the film's critical stance toward the state."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 137)

50■The Entanglements of Colonialism and the Cold War (pp.149-)

"Dou-sang is about the effects and "representations" of Japanese colonialism, and Banana Paradise deals primarily with the effects of the cold war, but by juxtaposing the two films one cannot help but identify "tears of suffering" as an affective trope common to the historical experiences of both whlsheng ren and bensheng ren."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 149)

"In Banana Paradise, on the other hand, colonialism has been co:mpletely supplanted by the cold-war structure and is not touched on at all."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 149)

"A double resentment is at work, as the Chinese think: Japan has learned from us for centuries, but they humiliated and attacked our nation when it was in crisis; we will never forget this. What is crucial to understand is that the anti-Japanese sentiment of wrusheng ren is not informed at all by the Japanese occupation of Taiwan because they did not experience it themselves. Colonialism and 1895 - the year the Japanese occupied Taiwan - two deeply meaningful signs for hensheng ren, never became part of the wrusheng ren's historical memory, probably in part because of the nationalist versions of history written in the postwar era."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 150)

51◎小林よしのり漫画

"The controversy over Kobayashi Yoshinori's manga, Thesis on Taiwan, which triggered a clash of opinions when a Taiwanese edition was published in 2001, clearly expresses such structural differences."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 150)

"the 1980s "Orphan of Asia" narrative expresses for the bensheng population an unforgettable historical wound: Taiwan was abandoned to Japan by China in 1895."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 152)

52◎日帝の影

"They developed a hierarchical worldview, with "modern" Japan on top, then "modernizing" Taiwan, and finally "backward" China. For fifty years, there was no indication that Taiwan would ever be liberated from Japanese colonialism; the colonized population had no alternative but to struggle to survive under the colonial regime."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 152)

"Several important questions underlie the present discussion. First, how do we, in analytical terms, understand the 1949 forced immigration of the wrusheng population? How do we position the KMT regime?"(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 153)

"The 1947 partition of India and Pakistan split up huge numbers of families who were forced to choose between the two new countries, but that conflict centered on religious differences. After the Korean War, neither the North nor the South was forced to abandon the Korean Peninsula and move to another territory, such as Cheju Island."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 154)

"Are they settlers, migrants, immigrants, refugees, or people m exile? Are they part of a diaspora, to use the fashionable academic term? Is the KMT regime a government in exile (which would mean that it resides abroad), a regime from another province, a defeated regime, or simply a cold-war regime?(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 154)

"A second concern that arises from the analyses of the films is the plight of the nobodies (xiao laobaixing), both bensheng and waisheng, who have been innocently caught up m larger political currents, and who have to endure much pain and suffering. Not being able to maintain their basic human dignity, some have gone mad (Desheng), some have committed suicide (Dou-sang), and still others have been stigmatized for either willingly making themselves slaves (nuxing) to the Japanese, or not fully identifying with Taiwan. In my view, the twin ideologies of statism and nationalism must shoulder much of the responsibility for this suffering" (Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 154).

"experiencing the war against Japan on the mainland made it impossible for waisheng ren（外省人） to have a sympathetic understanding of the suffering of bensheng ren（本省人） under Japanese colonialism or of the mind-set engendered by that experience; at the same time, bensheng ren cannot empathize with the suffering that waisheng ren endured as a result of their forced migration with a defeated regime. Conditioned mainly by colonial structures, bensheng ren cannot really understand the waisheng structure of sentiment, which was shaped primarily by cold-war structures, just as wrusheng ren cannot truly understand on an emotional level the cultural effects of Japanese colonialism. What makes things worse is that each side uses its own suffering to ignore the possibility of acknowledging the other's grief."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 155-156).

53■Why Is a "Great Reconciliation" Im/possible? (pp.156-)　和解の問題

"Reconciliation between these two segments of the population will be made possible only by establishing mutual recognition of each other's history of suffering. This cannot be done in the very superficial way attempted by those politicians who have called for a temporary suspension of the controversy over unification versus independence. If reconciliation is to be possible, repressed historical memories have to be reopened and confronted. We have to be able to see the provincial register contradiction as a historical-structural question, one that dwells within everyone living in Taiwan. From here we must all recognize the different histories suffered by both benshengren and wrusheng ren, to bridge the gap of understanding and initiate a process of reconciliation."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:156)

"if reconciliation between Taiwan and China is to be possible, it cannot be discussed simply in political or economic terms; nor will nationalist sentiments, which do nothing but cover up real differences, be of any use."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:156-157)

"In terms of international relations, engaging with the historical memories of Japanese colonialism is key to advancing reconciliation and peace in East Asia."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:157)

"Mizoguchi's urgent desire to seek reconciliation comes too early. In East Asia, as Sun Ge (2001a) suggests, intellectuals, governments, and the public in general have not yet openly discussed the issue of the region's historical memory in any meaningful way. So how do we respond to Mizoguchi's sincere invitation to collectively deal with the question of apology? The history suppressed by the cold war has not yet been opened up for critical reflection, so how can we talk about regional reconciliation?"(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:158)

"The fact that no country in Asia has yet accepted an apology from the Japanese state reflects the general sentiment that much of this history has not been forgotten. The lack of forgiveness is partly due to the fact that these historical questions have not yet been adequately thought through within Japan."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:159)

"In the era of globalization that has emerged in the wake of the cold war, it is even clearer that these questions can no longer be addressed inside any national border. If attempts to engage these questions are locked within national boundaries, we will never break out of the imposed nation-state structure."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:159)


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54■4. Deimperialization: Club 51 and the Imperialist Assumption of Democracy 161

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55■Club 51&AIT

"The letter was signed by Chou Wei-ling on behalf of a group named Club 51. Next to the signature was a circular drawing featuring a map of Taiwan in the center and a series of slogans in English: "Statehood for Taiwan-Save Taiwan-Say Yes to America....In early 1999, when Lee Teng-hui redefined relations between Taiwan and mainland China as "a special relationship between two countries," Club 51 took to the streets in front of the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT), the de facto U.S. embassy on the island, to protest Washington's ambiguous position on Taiwan's status"(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:161)

"Founded on the Fourth of July, 1994, by fifty-one intellectuals and businessmen with strong ties to the United States, Club 51 had grown to some five hundred members by 1996.... In March 2000, Club 51's sister organization, the Foundation for Establishing the 51st State, released ''A Report on the Public Opinion Survey of the Will to Build a Taiwan State," a thirty-page analysis of data gathered by a public opinion research firm."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:162)

"In 1998, encouraged by sympathetic as well as antagonistic reactions to Club 51's program, Chou published a highly imaginative work to substantiate his arguments and articulate his dream. A Date with the us. -The Ultimate Resolution of Taiwan's Future: Taiwan Becomes a State of the US. in 2013; Say Yes to America advocates a two-stage strategy. First, Taiwan becomes a U.S. territory, along the lines of Puerto Rico, then it seeks full statehood, as Hawaii did. Then, on 1 January 2013 - naturally, a splendid, sunny day-Taiwan officially becomes the fifty-first state of the United States of America. All Chinese surnames are changed forthwith: Yuan to Adams, Kung to Cohen, Chen to Dunn, Ding to Dean, and Chou to Jefferson. All Taiwanese cities and districts acquire new place names. Eight pages of the book are devoted to the renaming: Taipei is renamed as Cambridge, Taichung as Dalton, Kaohsiung as Farfax, Hsinchu as Talcom, and Makung as Malcolm."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:163)

"America is now an integral part of Asia, as a result of the culture of U.S. imperialism that emerged in the wake of the Second World War. But this crucial problematic also needs to be understood in the wider context of what can be described as an insecurity born of global uncertainty, a new structure of sentiment that is the direct product of neoliberal globalization. The emergence of this sentiment of insecurity cannot be explained except in the context of the currently emerging reconfiguration of imperialism and capitalism, of which globalization is a form of expression."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:165)

"In East Asia, the United States has always been regarded by critical intellectuals and others on the Left as an outsider-simultaneously outside the territory and the cultural psyche. But after a century of insinuating itself as the dominant point of reference in East Asia, it no longer seems analytically accurate to say that the United States is exterior to the histories of the region."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:165)

"The message is clear: Let us give up our own nation-state, with its hopelessly ambiguous status, and instead join another nation of our choice. State building would then no longer require endless unsuccessful efforts to join the United Nations. Our partial Americanization over the past fifty years can expand to fully embrace a new nationality - one allowing Taiwanese to say of their island "this is America.""(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:167)

"Club 51's blunt use of the word "begging" reveals the hierarchical nature of the Taiwan-U.S. relationship and Taiwan's subcolonial status or, as Club 51 imagines it, Taiwan's quasi-state status, similar to the relationship between the suzerain and vassal states in the classic tributary system. Club 51's pragmatic realism cancels out all rhetorical pretensions of national dignity."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:168)

"If Taiwan were forced to become a part of China, then something like a refugee government would be set up in Los Angeles. By what chain of equivalents could the quasi-nation-state of Taiwan somehow effortlessly shift categories and borders to set up shop in the city of Los Angeles? But this idea is by no means ungrounded. From the 1960s to the 1990s, the United States, in particular Los Angeles, was the destination of choice for Taiwanese emigrants, and the city is now home to the largest concentration anywhere of middle-class immigrants from the island. In the Taiwanese imagination, Taiwan has long been inside Los Angeles and is an integral part of that city."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:168)

"It is slightly unclear why American and German are mentioned as identities of preference, and why Russian or Japanese are silently discarded. Indeed, German itself seems little more than a rhetorical flourish when the choice of cities is confined to the United States. Why this selectivity?/ The answer is offered a little later when the letter quotes Professor Lee Hsiao-fung, a professor of history at Shih Hsin University: "We would rather be stuffed to death by the hamburgers of American imperialism than shot to death by machine guns of Chinese Communist imperialism... Hamburger heaven is the outward expression of an implicit dream: America is the pinnacle of human civilization; a powerful, prosperous, democratic society; a land of certainty and security.""(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:170)

"the great imperial dream of be coining American is never simply imposed from the outside. On the contrary, it is also cultivated within the local milieu -- and in our particular case, within the "new Taiwanese" middle class. The longing to become an American imperial subject occupies a prominent and intimate position in the Taiwanese psyche."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:171)

"To be effective, Club 51 must take account of nationalist sentiment, which is deeply rooted in historical experience. It wider stands that the intended readers of its letter are likely to feel uneasy "at an emotional level" about the idea of becoming American."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:172)

"The emergence of Club 51 in the 1990s was symptomatic not only of specific anxieties about Taiwan's status vis-a-vis mainland China and the United States, but also of a general uneasiness about the direction of the world as a whole."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:173)

"Club 51's nostalgic desire for empire, energized by the pressures of globalization, strongly marks the continuity of imperialism even after the Second World War."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:173)

"In East Asia, after all, there was a direct connection between the traditional form of colonialism and the cold-war structures that emerged after 1945. Ever since the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the Japanese state has lived under the permanent shadow of American rule. In many parts of East Asia, Japanese imperial holdings were handed directly over to the United States. Meanwhile, authoritarian anticommunist regimes in South Korea, Taiwan, and South Vietnam were strongly supported by the United States as part of its effort to establish a vast arc of strategic protectorates to defend against the spread of communism. All of these imperialistic developments have ironically served to displace the question of U.S. imperialism."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:175)

""As it is described as "a microscope on the politics of postwar Korea,” the 4.3 Event remains stigmatized as a primal scene in the acceleration of Korean modernity that is closely related to political violence of the state." (Kim 1996, 8)"(cited in Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:176)

"Cultural studies of U.S. imperialism in the region are only just starting to emerge, and it is important to caution against counter positioning one (subaltern) nationalism against another (paramount) nationalism."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:176)

"For some thirty years now, Hong Kong films have captured a significant share of the market in various East and Southeast Asian countries. By the 1990s, younger East Asians were no longer singing American pop songs in karaoke bars. The false consciousness thesis no longer has explanatory power. It cannot persuasively articulate these imported products to the internal logic of local cultural history. The theoretical turn from cultural imperialism to the culture of imperialism enables a more sophisticated understanding."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:177)

"In East Asia, colonial identifications and disidentifications since the Second World War have set the boundaries of the local cultural imagination, consciously and unconsciously articulated by and through various institutions of the nation state in alliance with capital and even sectors of the civil society. The power behind the culture of U.S. imperialism comes from its ability to insert itself into a geocolonial space as the imaginary figure of modernity, and as such, the natural object of identification from which the local people are to learn."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:177)

"and Japan is also undergoing a re-Asianization phase. These self-rediscovery movements are obviously connected to the regionalization of global capital, but the psychological drive at their core is once again grounded in colonial history"(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:178)

"If we wish to honestly understand the subjectivity of the self in East Asia, we have to recognize that the United States has not merely defined our identities but has become deeply embedded within our subjectivity."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:178)

"Most responses to the attack from around the world could be divided into two types. The first strongly supported U.S. military action to combat terrorism, which was Club 51's position. The second' reflected the anti-American sentiment that rapidly surfaced throughout the world on an unprecedented scale."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:179)

"By the 1930s, some Japanese intellectuals felt that America had become a constitutive element of Japanese identity. A startling passage from Takanobu Murobuse's America, published in 1929, makes this quite clear: "Where could you find Japan not Americanized? How could Japan exist without America? And where could we escape from Americanization? I dare to even declare that America has become the world, Japan is nothing but America today" (quoted in Yoshimi 2000,202-3)."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:180)

"The United States was a relative newcomer to imperialist power politics, and led by President Woodrow Wilson, it proposed a strategy of self-determination for colonized spaces, which proved to be effective not only in U.S. competition with established imperial powers in already occupied territories, but also in leading colonized nationalist subjects to collaborate with the United States."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:180)

"The historian Bruce Cumings has traced a direct transition from Japanese to U.S. imperialism throughout East Asia in the years following the Second World War (Cumings 1984). In addition to occupying the Japanese mainland, the United States assumed control of Japan's colonial apparatus directly from the defeated Japanese empire."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:180-181)

"The shift from liberator to global enemy was what enabled the explosive critique of the United States that emerged in the run-up to the 2003 invasion of Iraq"(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:183)

"Even if we accept the argument that anticommunism and pro-Americanism are major elements of Taiwanese subjectivity to explain Taiwan's relatively weak opposition to the U.S. invasion of Iraq, the depth of pro-Americanism in Taiwan is still difficult to acknowledge. Being anti-American is like opposing ourselves, and to love Taiwan is to love America. This is why we cannot oppose U.S. imperialist intervention. Taiwan's popular culture has a long tradition of Japano-philia; the Korean Wave (Korean popular culture circulated widely during the last decade) that swept through Asia has created its share of Taiwanese Korea-philes; and there are even groups of Taiwanese Shanghaiphiles. But no one speaks of Americaphilia. The desire for America is so deep that we have no easy way of addressing it."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:186-187)

"Club 51 is willing to honestly face the political realities of the present; its problem lies with its obviously fantastic vision of the future. What makes it think that American citizens will accept Taiwan as a state, or that mainland China will accept that arrangement? Nevertheless, Club 51 relentlessly pushes its views: Taiwanese must choose whether they want to be Chinese or American."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:190)

"On 22 April 2005, the fiftieth anniversary of the Bandung Conference, Prime Minister Koizumi once again apologized on behalf of his government for Japan's invasions of different parts of Asia during the Second World War."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:192)

"The implications are clear. First, the rapid recovery of the postwar Japanese economy was made possible in part by Japan's passing defense spending along to the United States. Japan now declares itself to be a world power, but at the same time, it is unwilling to relinquish its reliance on the US. military. The trade-off is immense: on the surface, Japan is an independent country, but in reality, it subordinates itself to US. military power. Culturally belonging to the third world, Japan refuses to position itself accordingly and stand with its Asian neighbors. Second, democracy in South Korea and Taiwan was achieved through difficult and persistent struggles against authoritarian regimes. Problematic as they are, the democracies in South Korea and Taiwan were not gifts from a U.S. military government, but achievements won in spite of American strategic interests."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:193)

56◎竹内好

"His [=Y. Takeuchi's] notion of "cultural independence" can be understood as an attempt to build a more penetrating critical subjectivity at the societal level."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:195)

"Takeuchi was one of the few scholars who, despite overwhelming national shame, could self-reflexively address Japan's historical problems in the years immediately following the Second World War. He demanded that in the struggle for independence, Japan's citizens not fall once again into the trap of formalism, which would result in their once again becoming slaves of imperialism."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:195)

"Being a slave is not necessarily shameful. What is embarrassing is when a slave adopts the superior attitude of the master."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:195)

"When China becomes strong and prosperous, if it learns from the imperialism of world powers to destroy other countries, China would be repeating their mistakes. Therefore, we need to make a policy to support the weak and to help the ones in trouble [zhiruo foqing]. That is our nation's natural duty. We have to support weak nations and resist world powers."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:196)

"In Asia, the deimperialization question cannot be limited to a reexanunation of the impacts of Western imperialist invasion, Japanese colonial violence, and U.S. neoimperialist expansion, but must also include the oppressive practices of the Chinese empire. Since the status of China has shifted from an empire to a big country, how should China position itself now? In what new ways can it interact with neighboring countries?(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:197)

57■Deimperialization and the Global Democratic Movement (pp.198-)

"the senior journalist Fu Jianchung, was published in Taiwan's China Times. Given the extraordinary nature of the subject, the tone of the article is matter-of-fact: "An organization called the "Taiwan Defense Alliance" bought a full-page advertisement today in The Washington Post urging the U.S. government and Congress to take over Taiwan, include Taiwan as part of the U.S. defense system, dissolve the government of the Republic of China, and terminate the operation of the Ministries of National Defense and Foreign Affairs."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:198)

"policy statements posted on the website of the Taiwan Defense Alliance (TDA) indicate that its position is quite different from that of Club SIP Club 51's agenda is to completely give up on the idea of Taiwan independence and have the country join the United States, whereas the TDAs position is that Taiwan's being taken over by the United States is only a necessary first step toward eventually achieving independence."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:199)

"the process of imperialization is wider in scope than the process of colonization because imperialist expansion is always based on domestic mobilization, which is itself a process of imperialization.... Without a dialectical arrangement, de colonization will be unidirectional and incomplete. Gandhi wanted to liberate India and at the same time liberate England. Fanon thought likewise: he argued that there is a symbiotic and intimate relation between the colonizer and the colonized. The colony not only has to decolonize, but it must also pass through-a deimperializing process to undercut its loyalty to the empire and undo imperial desire."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:200)

"Consequently decolonization and deimperialization movements could not successfully advance in the third world, and they were unable to build enough momentum to drive the former imperial powers to take on the historical responsibility of self-reflection. This seems to be a hopeless, self-perpetuating loop, but we must recognize that, in contrast to the former empires, the third world has developed a tradition of large-scale decolonization movements, which can now be mobilized to drive the next round of deimperialization."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:200)

58●On "Modern History of the Three Countries in East Asia, pp.202-

on "Modern History of the Three Countries in East Asia: Learning from History, Facing the Future, Building a New Peaceful and Friendly Framework Together" (2005)

"The book is not without its problems. An emphasis on the Japanese colonization of Korea at the expense of investigating the situation in Taiwan and Manchuria, the absence of any detailed treatment of Okinawa, and the relative invisibility of locations at the peripheries of the region are among the short comings of the work.... From the analytical standpoint of deimperialization, the fact that authors from Japan are willing to use imperialism to frame Japan's expansionist invasions is commendable indeed."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:203)

"we can imagine the difficulty the Japanese authors may have faced in dialogues with their counterparts from Japan's formerly colonized regions. In my view, it is this human dimension that is one of the most challenging tasks of deimperialization. The writing of this book proves that collectively facing difficult historical issues is possible."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:203)

"Although Modern History of the Three Countries in East Asia cannot be considered a model for the work of deimperialization, its method should be appreciated."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:204)

"Simply because Japan is a defeated empire and is located in Asia does not mean that it has had to deal with its neighbors. The lack of substantive communication between former imperial powers and their former colonies is a general problem of imperialism, neither diminished nor increased by geographic proximity."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:204)

"Euro-American studies on decolonization in Southeast Asia, for example, are mostly conducted in a mode that neglects the political impacts of past imperialism on the present. Through the cultivation of individualism, relationships between the individual (scholar) and the state (nation) are always fragmented; therefore, there is no imperative for the individual to assume responsibility for the actions of the state."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:204-205)

59◎花崎皋平（HANAZAKI, Kohei, 1931-）：未完の脱植民地主義

"After Japan's defeat and the collapse of the Japanese empire, decolonialization was commonly understood as demilitarization and democratization. Hanasaki argues that this interpretation is incorrect, and I agree. Such reductionism is a legacy of the cold-war power structure, which has frozen the resolution of historical relations between former colonies and former imperial centers."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:205)

"Hanasaki asks, quite directly, who should be held responsible for undertaking the task of decolonialization. He considers Japan's general lack of national responsibility to be a result of the common postwar historical narrative of how the Japanese nation came to be: "Japan's modem past was never properly grasped as a history of empire building and the eventual failure of this project and, as Kang [Sanjung] points out, the exclusion of Koreans and other former subjects of the Japanese Empire has been obliterated*" (ibid., 74)."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:206)
*obliterated: erase, wipe out

60■The Meaning of Deimperlalization pp.208-

"I believe that regionalization may afford a means to move beyond earlier failed attempts to counter real strength.... The question of what kind of democracy is needed to allow this to happen is discussed in detail in the next chapter." (Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010:209)


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61■5. Asia as Method: Overcoming the Present Conditions of Knowledge Production 211

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"Knowledge production is one of the major sites in which imperialism operates and exercises its power. The analyses in the preceding chapters suggest that the underdevelopment of deimperialization movements is a Significant contributing factor in local, regional, and global conflicts throughout the contemporary world. This underdevelopment, I submit, has to do with the current conditions of knowledge production, which have serious structural limitations. To break through the impasse, critical intellectual work on deimperialization first and foremost has to transform these problematic conditions, transcend the structural limitations, and uncover alternative possibilities."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 211)

62■アジアを離れてアメリカへ　Leaving Asia for America, pp.212-

(1)"Asia as method" as a critical proposition to transform the existing knowledge structure and at the same time to transform ourselves. The potential of Asia as method is this: using the idea of Asia as an imaginary anchoring point, societies in Asia can become each other's points of reference, so that the understanding of the self may be transformed, and subjectivity rebuilt. On this basis, the diverse historical experiences and rich social practices of Asia may be mobilized to provide alternative horizons and perspectives. This method of engagement, I believe, has the potential to advance a different understanding of world history."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 212)
(2)"the formulation of Asia as method is also an attempt to move forward on the tripartite problematic of decolonization, deimperialization, and de-cold war. To briefly recap the analysis developed over the previous four chapters: the historical processes of imperialization, tolonization, and the cold war have become mutually entangled structures, which have shaped and conditioned both intellectual and popular knowledge production"(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 212)
(3)"Asia as method is grounded in the critical discourses of an earlier generation of thinkers, with whom we now imagine new possibilities."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 212)

"Choi Wan Ju, was based on the sentiment..." p.214-

three dialogues

1) The question of the West, pp.216-

2) Political Society and Minjian: A Dialogue with Partha Chatterjee, pp.224-

3) Asia as Method: A Dialogue with Mizoguchi Yuzo, pp.245-

63■The Question of the West, pp.216-

"Chakrabarty explains this Eurocentric discursive...," p.219

"Chakrabarty's strategy is to wrest the ownership of modernity from..."

On Neil Garcia's "Philippine Gay Culture," 1996, pp.221-

"Garcia reminds us of the analytical value of concepts that....", p.222

"Internationalist localism acknowledge the existence of the nation-state as...," p.223

64■国際主義的地方主義

"Internationalist localism acknowledges the existence of the nation-state as a product of history but analytically keeps a critical distance from it. The operating site is local, but at the same time internationalist localism actively transgresses nation-states' boundaries. It looks for new political possibilities emerging out of the practices and experiences accumulated during encounters between local history and colonial history -- that is, the new forms and energies produced by the mixing brought about by modernization. Internationalist localism respects tradition without essentializing it, and will not mobilize the resources of tradition simply for the sake of opposing the West."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 223)

65■Political Society and Mfnjlin: A Dialogue with Partha Chatterjee, pp.224-

"The implication of Chatterjee's is that the existing....," p.227

"Chatterjee puts forward three theoretical propositions arising...,1) 2) 3).." pp.229-230.

Taiwan's example on "Civil society versus popular democracy," pp.230-

"Our third challenge was to move beyond the reductionist state versus civil society model,..." p.232-

"The articulation of a political society shares the spirit and concerns of the popular democratic position. Political society marks the operating site of popular democracy, giving a much more precise name to the latter space. The most valuable part of this encounter with Chatterjee's idea of political society is the reminder that we should not allow ourselves to be defined by our enemy. Civil society; alternatively understood, has real strategic value. Civil society can become part of the power bloc, and in certain circumstances, it can launch merciless attacks on subaltern subjects. Under other conditions, it can become a useful ally for subject groups in struggle. Turning civil society from a normative category into an analytical category enables us to better understand the locations and directions of the social forces at work."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 233)

""English rule without the Englishman". The real force dominating India is, according to Gandhi, not the Englishman but his civilization," p.234

"This is one reason why in contemporary Chinese societies, the protection of civil law is not a priority" p.238.

"The annual festival for Mazu." pp.240-

66■溝口雄三の方法　

Asia as Method: A Dialogue with Mizoguchi Yuzo) pp. 245-

67■翻訳の問題

"Modernity is not a normative drive to become modern, but an analytical concept that attempts to capture the effectiveness of modernizing forces as they negotiate and mix with local history and culture. In other words, modernity as an analytical term refers to the overall effects of modernization. Tradition is not opposed to modernity but is an integral and living part of it. The diversity and density of local histories guarantee the emergence of multiple modernities, a recently formulated concept that, in my view, is redundant. Translation thus gives us a way to conduct reinvestigations that allow the organic shape and characteristics of local society and modernity to surface. In this sense, translation is not simply a linguistic exercise but a social linguistics, or an intersection of history, sociology, and politics. In the end, translation allows us to more precisely identify what aspects of modernity have been articulated to the existing social formation. Civil society has indeed been able to translate and insert itself in Asian contexts, but in a limited and profoundly different way than in the West."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 244)

"Asia as method is not a slogan but a practice. That practice begins with multiplying the sources of our readings to include those produced in other parts of Asia."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 255)


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68■Epilogue: The Imperial Order of Things, or Notes on Han Chinese

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"Deimperialization is an ongoing intellectual project, and therefore a conventional conclusion would be inappropriate here"(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 257).

"In mainland China, the Han are by far the largest official ethnic group. The nation's official language is Hcmyu (Mandarin, also known simply as the national language, or guoyii), which uses Hcmzl (Chinese characters). In the global context, the word "Han" is increasingly being displaced by "Chinese" (for people, Huaren or Zhongguorin). My insistence on the use of Han (rather than simply Chinese) is to indicate analytically that even as the meanings of "Han" continue to evolve, the Han people's long history continues to condition our practices in the arenas of daily life, intellectual thought, and cultural production. Politically, the Han are one of the dominant populations in the world, and distinguishing the Han from the many minority groups subsumed under the category Chinese (Huaren)is a necessary step toward critically confronting the history and current expressions of Han racism. To problematize racism is to call attention to the fluidity of terms such as race (zhongzu), ethnicity (zuqun), and nationality (m{nzu), which now overlap in both Chinese and English.""(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 259).

"Two important feminist works on the Qing Dynasty inspire the following analysis. Maram Epstein's essay "Confucian Imperialism and Masculine Chinese Identity in the Novel Yesou Puyan" contrasts descriptions of the sexual encounters of the Han protagonist in the 1880s edition of the novel with those in the abridged version published in the 1930s."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 260).

"Here I rely on Liu Jen-peng's work. In "The Disposition of Hierarchy and the Late Qing Discourse of Gender Equality," the first chapter of Feminist Discourse in Early Modern China: Natiqn, Translation and Gender Politics (2000), Liu borrows from Louis Dumont's analysis of the Indian caste system in his classic Homo Hierarchicus: The Caste System and Its Implications, published in 1980, to understand the Chinese construction of hierarchy. She sees Dumont's theory of hierarchy as an articulation of a relation between "the encompassing" and, “the encompassed": within the totality of a system of relations, the higher position is able to encompass the lower one, but not the reverse"(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 262).

"According to Liu, in the Chinese scholarly tradition, the relation between the subject and object is not conceptualized as a binary opposition. Rather, it is a relation of yin and yang, a relation of complementarity, negotiation, and division of lab or. But Liu points out that this tradition ignores a crucial structural relation. She argues that the Taoist concept of taiji, as a structural totality in place prior to the existence of yin and yang, has to be analyzed on two levels. On the higher level, the unity of yin and yang is complementary and indeed encompasses a totality. But on the lower level, yang is higher than yin, and the former governs and encompasses the latter."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 264).

"In Taiwan, racism is expressed in the dominant population's treatment of aboriginal peoples, foreign laboreres, migrant domestic workers, foreign and mainland Chinese brides, and foreign English-language teachers. The so-called democratization of Taiwan has not yet resulted in more democratic ways of relating to others."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 266).

"In February 2006, the London-based Guardian published an essay by Marlin Jacques (2006) titled “Europe's Contempt for Other Cultures Can't Be Sustained," a piece critically reflecting on the problem of racism across Europe. The deck copy clearly brings out his main argument: "A continent that inflicted colonial brutality all over the globe for 200 years has little claim to the superiority of its values." Martin sees the wide-ranging reactions to the Danish cartoons within Europe as a revealing combination of "defensiveness, fear, provincialism and arrogance." The controversy clearly demonstrated that Europe is ill prepared to cope with the changing world."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 266).

"Even though Hari most likely lost her life to the racism of Hong Kong Chinese, Martin has never emotionally turned against the Chinese. On the contrary, he hopes that his beloved son, Ravi, will learn Mandarin, and in addition to having him study Indian music, Martin is also encouraging him to play the erhu, a two-stringed Chinese musical instrument. Instead of fostering resentment, Hari's tragic death has been the driving force behind Martin's persistent exploration of contemporary racism and its intimate connection with the history of European imperialism."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 267).

"This book challenges those assumptions and the arrogant conditions of knowledge production that sustain them. These conditions attempt to regulate academic production into a singularity, coated with professionalism but stripped of critical concerns and political positions. 'The imperialist apparatus and the collaborationist desire of the colonized to catch up have ensured that the mechanisms which have evolved to shape intellectuals into professional academics are now firmly in place throughout the globe. But the rules of the game were set by the empire. Carrying with us the historical experiences of the colonized third world, we cannot allow ourselves to be swept up in the rush toward neoliberal globalization."(Chen Kuan-Hsing 2010: 268).


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69日本語コメント（備忘）
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この書物の意義

１）東アジアの国民国家における何度目かの排外主義的ナショナリズムの台頭がもたらす諸国民・市民あいだの相互不理解やディスコミュニケーショ ンの現状とそれらの起源を焦点化したこと。

２）英国で生まれ、米国で英国とは異なった形で隆盛したカルチュラルスタディーズの「学問的パラダイム化」に抵抗し、脱中心化のプログラムのひ とつとして、東アジアにおけるカルチュラルスタディーズの可能性を切り開いたこと。

３）東アジアにおける、脱植民地化、脱帝国主義化、脱冷戦化という実践の可能性を、この地域の研究者たちに呼びかける、自らその実例（実践例） を試みようとしたこと。

・脱植民地主義、脱帝国主義、脱＝冷戦、の言葉の（多型配列的）定義の必要性

・帝国・準帝国（subimperial）の区分、類型論の可能性

・アジア的なるものの問題（"a set of Asian questions"; Interview with S. Hall, 1996: 393）

・アジアは想像の共同体になってしまわないか？

・先住民と国民国家

・ディアスポラ

・Academic activism inside/outside campus

・On identity politics

・Gramuscian Intellectual concepts: Organic/Traditional

・グローバル資本主義の位置づけと意味理解、飼いならしの方法

・言語の多様性と、言語のヘゲモニー的配列

・他者の言語

・複数のアジア（Asians）

・脱・東アジア中心主義

・自分の経験世界から出発すること：教育（ペダゴジック）的相対化

・脱構築的方法論（？）の扱い方

・西洋＝近代＝帝国（植民地の不可欠性）→代替としての東洋→アジア→複数のアジアという、一連の脱構築あるいは認識論的視座の移転のプロセス？

・先住民と国民国家

・カルチュラルスタディーズの基盤としての歴史唯物論は、第三世界CSにも可能か？