宗教社会学

Sociology of Religion

ウィキペディアによると、宗教社会学は次のように解説される。

"Sociology of religion is the study of the beliefs, practices and organizational forms of religion using the tools and methods of the discipline of sociology. This objective investigation may include the use both of quantitative methods (surveys, polls, demographic and census analysis) and of qualitative approaches (such as participant observation, interviewing, and analysis of archival, historical and documentary materials)."- Sociology of religion.

宗教社会学とは、社会学の手法を用いて、宗教の信仰、実践、組織形態を研究する学問である。このオブジェクティブな（目的志向的）調査には、定量的な方法（アンケート調査、世論調査、人口統計学的分析、国勢調査）と定性的なアプローチ（参加者の観察、インタビュー、アーカイブ、歴史、文書資料の分析など）の両方が用いられる。

宗教社会学のアバウトであるがミニマルな定義では「宗教と社会の関係を論じる研究」のことである。比較宗教学のヨアヒム・バァッハも、宗教社会学を「諸宗教と社会＝ゲゼルシャフトの関係の研究。ならびに宗教が規定する社会過程の研究」としている。そのためには、それぞれの宗教社会学者（学生）は、宗教ならびに社会についての明確な定義から出発しなればならず、また他の分野の宗教者、宗教学者、社会学者との議論のなかで、このことを自覚するだけでなく、議論のはじめに明確に述べてから議論をしなければならない。

Émile Durkheim	Modern sociology as an academic discipline began with the analysis of religion in Émile Durkheim's 1897 study of suicide rates among Catholic and Protestant populations, a foundational work of social research which served to distinguish sociology from other disciplines, such as psychology. デュルケームは『宗教社会の原初形態』でトーテミズムなど、未開社会の宗教を論じたほか、『社会分業論』『自殺論』でも宗教に触れている
Karl Marx	The works of Karl Marx (1818-1883) and Max Weber (1864-1920) emphasized the relationship between religion and the economic or social structure of society. Contemporary debates have centered on issues such as secularization, civil religion, and the cohesiveness of religion in the context of globalization and multiculturalism. Contemporary sociology of religion may also encompass the sociology of irreligion (for instance, in the analysis of secular-humanist belief systems).
Max Weber	ウェーバーは「呪術からの解放」という観点から宗教を論じ続け、『宗教社会学論集』をものしている。
Peter L. Berger	The process of comparing multiple conflicting dogmas may require what Peter L. Berger has described as inherent "methodological atheism"（方法論的無神論）. Whereas the sociology of religion broadly differs from theology in assuming indifference to the supernatural, theorists tend to acknowledge socio-cultural reification of religious practice. 「バーガーは1980年代後半までに、宗教（旧来のものもニューエイジ・ムーブメントも含む）はまだ健在であり、多くの場合以前よりかなり活発になっていることを公に認めるようになった。ただしバーガーは、多元主義とグローバリゼーションの進展によって個人の信仰のあり方が根本的に変化したため、宗教があらかじめ受け容れられているものから個人が探究し嗜好に応じて選択するものに変わったと述べている。／合理的選択理論に想を受けて、宗教的な「企業」（教会）と「消費者」（信仰する個人）の行動を説明しようとする宗教社会学の「新しいパラダイム」の勃興にも拘わらず、バーガーの思考は今日なお宗教社会学において多くの影響を保っている」
H. Richard Niebuhr	The sociology of religion is distinguished from the philosophy of religion in that it does not set out to assess the validity of religious beliefs. H・リチャード・ニーバーは世界の多様な宗教共同体を、国教会や公認教会のような特権的な教会「チャーチ」、反抗的で非主流の教会や分派「セクト」、規模の大小を問わずその特徴を維持しつつ寛容で成熟した宗教集団「デノミネーション」に類型化し、組織化された宗教集団の社会学的意味を分析した
Joachim Wach	Developing the field known as the Sociology of Religion, he maintained that the founder of a new religion experienced a revelation illuminating the way the world worked. He then began to acquire disciples who became a closely knit circle directed towards the founder with whom they each had intimate contact. The solidarity of this relationship bound the disciples together and differentiated them from other forms of social organization. Membership in the group required a break with past life and its everyday pursuits in order to focus on the new knowledge to the extent that ties of family and kinship would be relaxed or severed.
Joseph Kitagawa, 1915-1992	He is considered as one of the founders of the field of the history of religions. He is particularly known for his outstanding contributions to the study of religious traditions in Asia and intercultural understanding of the East and the West.
Thomas Luckmann, 1927-2016	宗教の個人化ないし「見えない宗教」に関するルックマンのテーゼは、宗教社会学にとって基礎的な転換を画するものだった。このテーゼ以降、宗教というものがその制度化された形態（教会）とだけ結びつけられるのではなく、個人化された宗教意識について検討されるようになったからである。このアプローチの変化の結果、ルックマン以降、宗教意識の実際についての経験的な研究が数多く試みられるようになった。ルックマンの著作は広く読まれ、大きな論争を引き起こした
Talcott Parsons, 1902-1979	"Generally, Parsons read extensively in religious literature, especially works focusing on the sociology of religion. One scholar who became especially important for Parsons was Ernst D. Troeltsch (1865–1923). Parsons also read widely on Calvinism. His reading included the work of Emile Doumerque,[31] Eugéne Choisy, and Henri Hauser." "One of the scholars with whom he corresponded extensively with during his lifetime and whose opinion he highly valued was Robert N. Bellah. Parsons's discussion with Bellah would cover a wide range of topics, including the theology of Paul Tillich.[113] The correspondence would continue when Bellah, in the early fall of 1960, went to Japan to study Japanese religion and ideology. In August 1960, Parsons sent Bellah a draft of his paper on "The Religious Background of the American Value System" to ask for his commentary.[114] In a letter to Bellah of September 30, 1960, Parsons discussed his reading of Perry Miller's Errand into the Wilderness.[115] Parsons wrote that Miller's discussion of the role of Calvinism "in the early New England theology... is a first rate and fit beautifully with the broad position I have taken."[116] Miller was a literary Harvard historian whose books such as The New England Mind[117] established new standards for the writing of American cultural and religious history. Miller remained one of Parsons' most favoured historians throughout his life. Indeed, religion had always a special place in Parsons' heart, but his son, in an interview, maintained that he that his father was probably not really "religious." Throughout his life, Parsons interacted with a broad range of intellectuals and others who took a deep interest in religious belief systems, doctrines, and institutions. One notable person who interacted with Parsons was Marie Augusta Neal, a nun of the Sisters of Notre Dame de Namur who sent Parsons a huge number of her manuscripts and invited him to conferences and intellectual events in her Catholic Church. Neal received her PhD from Harvard under Parsons's supervision in 1963, and she would eventually become professor and then chair of sociology at Emmanuel College in Boston. She was very enthusiastic about the Second Vatican Council and became known for the National Sisters Survey, which aimed at improving women's position in the Catholic Church.[118]" "Parsons' interest in the role of ethnicity and religion in the genesis of social solidarity within the local community heavily influenced another of his early 1960s graduate students, Edward Laumann. As a student, Laumann was interested in the role of social network structure in shaping community-level solidarity. Combining Parsons' interest in the role of ethnicity in shaping local community solidarity with W. Lloyd Warner's structural approach to social class, Laumann argued that ethnicity, religion, and perceived social class all play a large role in structuring community social networks.[143][144][145] Laumann's work found that community networks are highly partitioned along lines of ethnicity, religion, and occupational social status. It also highlighted the tension individuals experience between their preference to associate with people who are like them (homophily) and their simultaneous desire to affiliate with higher-status others. Later, at the beginning of his career at the University of Chicago, Laumann would argue that how the impulses are resolved by individuals forms the basis of corporate or competitive class consciousness within a given community.[146] In addition to demonstrating how community solidarity can be conceptualized as a social network and the role of ethnicity, religion, and class in shaping such networks, Laumann's dissertation became one of the first examples of the use of population-based surveys in the collection of social network data, and thus a precursor to decades of egocentric social network analysis.[147] Parsons thus played an important role in shaping the early interest of social network analysis in homophily and the use of egocentric network data to assess group- and community-level social network structures."
Niklas Luhmann, 1927-1998	"Much of Luhmann's work directly deals with the operations of the legal system and his autopoietic theory of law is regarded as one of the more influential contributions to the sociology of law and socio-legal studies.[10]" "Luhmann is probably best known to North Americans for his debate with the critical theorist Jürgen Habermas over the potential of social systems theory. Like his erstwhile mentor Talcott Parsons, Luhmann is an advocate of "grand theory", although neither in the sense of philosophical foundationalism nor in the sense of "meta-narrative" as often invoked in the critical works of post-modernist writers. Rather, Luhmann's work tracks closer to complexity theory broadly speaking, in that it aims to address any aspect of social life within a universal theoretical framework — as the diversity of subjects he wrote on indicates. Luhmann's theory is sometimes dismissed as highly abstract and complex, particularly within the Anglophone world, whereas his work has had a more lasting influence on scholars from German-speaking countries, Scandinavia and Italy.[9]"

●フォーマリスト、ヨアヒム・ヴァッハの『宗教の比較研究』没後出版1958年

1.　宗教の比較研究の発展・意味・方法
2.　宗教経験の本質
3.　思想における宗教経験の表現
4.　行為における宗教経験の表現
5.　共同体における宗教経験の表現

リンク

文献

Joachim Wach ; edited with an introduction by Joseph M. Kitagawa, 1958. The comparative study of religions. Columbia University Press.ヨアヒム・ヴァッハ『宗教の比較研究』渡辺学ほか訳、法蔵館、1999.

その他の情報

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