Bernard Sellato のプナン民族誌

《aged》での語彙は１箇所のみ: "In any case, among the nomads the minimal residential unit and the nuclear family are generally identical. According to the literature, a shelter is shared only by a couple and their unmarried children. It is rare to have a third generation represented (see Harrisson 1949:139) or to find a sibling of one spouse. A shelter might be inhabited by only one person, for example, an aged widower. Kedit gives, for the Penan of the Mulu region, an average of 6.6 persons per shelter (1982:228). This number is certainly lower for many other groups less demographically dynamic (see, for example, Huehne 1959-1960: 199)."(Sellato 1994:145)- Nuclear Family の箇所で。

《プナンは老人遺棄はしない》："Although, according to Needham (1954b:232), the Punan never abandon old people and the sick, it nevertheless appears that among certain groups, such as the Bukat, the dying were indeed abandoned(see Bouman 1924:175-176)." (Sellato 1994:160) - Disposal of the Dead（屍体の処理）

・この上記の記述を含む全体の記述「Disposal of the Dead（屍体の処理）」の抜粋

- "Like marriages, deaths in traditional nomad society are not occasions for elaborate ritual. The literature is curiously rich in descriptions of types of funerals among the Punan groups. In their details these practices vary, the common characteristic being that they are of a relatively rudimentary character compared to those of farming societies. The body may simply be abandoned, just as it is, on a flat stone (in the case of the Kereho), on a platform of branches hastily set up in the forest, or in the shelter where the death occurred (Jayl Langub 1974:296). In certain cases the body is wrapped in a sheet of bark or a mat before being left on a platform (Harrisson 1949:142) or buried (Sulaiman 1968:25-26). Among certain groups the body is buried without a coffin (Jayl Langub 1974:296; Harrisson 1949:142) under the hearth of the shelter (J. Nicolaisen 1978:33), or at a distance from the camp (Urquhart 1951:511), downstream from the camp (Sulaiman 1968:25-26) or, conversely, upstream (Arnold 1958:59-60; 1967:97), or just anywhere (Sandin 1957:135). Among other groups the body, in a coffin, is buried under the hut (Urquhart 1951:512), or elsewhere (Sandin 1965:187), or left under a lean-to (Tuton Kaboy 1974:292; see also Urquhart 1951:511) or on a platform in the forest (as among the Kereho)."(Sellato 1994:158-159)

- "Most commonly, no form of ceremony accompanies the disposal of the body. Most authors make no mention of funeral rituals, and others explicitly state that these are nearly or wholly nonexistent (Stohr 1959:164; Arnold 1967:97; Lumholtz 1920)."(Sellato 1994:159)

・屍体は、すぐに放棄されたり簡単な埋葬処理がされ る

"A common custom among all known Punan groups is the immediate abandonment of the body, of the place where the death occurred, of the camp, and sometimes of that entire sector of the territory (see, above, the discussion of the Bukat, and Mjoberg 1934; Harrisson 1949:142; Urquhart 1951:512; Arnold 1958:59-60; Stohr 1959:164; Huehne 1959:201; Ellis 1972:240; Jayl Langub 1974:296; Tuton Kaboy 1974:292; J. Nicolaisen 1978:33). Among several groups, the camp, or at least the hut of the deceased, is wrecked or burned before being abandoned (Urquhart 1951 :512,532;]. Nicolaisen 1978:33)." (Sellato 1994:159)

《プナン社会の性的分業》――サゴを栽培しても男性は野生のものだけを食べる

- "The sexual division of labor among the Bukat is an interesting subject, but one on which there exists little historical information. As among all the nomads of the area, women hunt and fish just as men do, though less often. They carry burdens just as men do, according to their individual ability, when the group travels. They are also in charge of building a shelter and gathering firewood (Enthoven 1903:87). The heavy work of extracting sago, such as felling, cutting up, and splitting the sago palms, is usually done by men, but women participate actively in the subsequent phases of the extraction and the preparation of sago flour." (Sellato 1994:70)

- "When the Bukat began to farm on the Mendalam, as already mentioned, Bouman reports the significant fact that it was women who took care of farm work, while men continued to hunt and gather forest products (1924:175). On the other hand, it may have been men who built the village huts at that time. Among the Kayan, the different phases of agricultural work are divided among men and women according to physical aptitude, on the one hand, and ritual criteria, on the other. This new type of sexual division of labor, permitting a dual orientation of effort toward field and forest, made it possible for Bukat men to invest more time in the collection of forest products for commercial purposes. Even if the harvest of their farms was poor, field size being small and these new farmers relatively unskilled, it had to feed only women, young children, and old people, since the men were living on wild sago. And as the band's women and children were settled on the Mendalam, the Kayan (and later the Dutch) were assured of continuity in the supply of forest products from the men of Bukat families." (Sellato 1994:70-71)

- "Work in the sago palm groves, as already stated, is carried out by mixed groups of men and women. This is a complex activity, a many staged and relatively long process. Although certain writers,like Arnold (1967), claim that the different families of the band work alternately to produce sago, my observations suggest that most often several families will do the work together, completing the various phases of the work in an unbroken sequence (see also Harrisson 1949:137). As for gathering, it is definitely an activity carried out cooperatively by women, old people, and children, who scatter in small groups in every direction, the better to comb through a sector of the forest."(Sellato 1994:167)

《セラトの民族誌の書誌》

- Nomads of the Borneo rainforest : the economics, politics, and ideology of settling down / Bernard Sellato ; translated by Stephanie Morga, Honolulu : University of Hawaii Press , 1994.

- Nomades et sédentarisation á Bornéo : histoire économique et sociale / Bernard Sellato, Paris : École des Hautes études en Sciences Sociales , c1989. - (Etudes insulindiennes-Archipel ; 9).

《ニーダムの1954bの文献の関心とは？／［他の民族誌家とは異なり］プナンは老人や病人を放棄することもある》

SIRIONO AND PENAN, A TEST OF SOME HYPOTHESES, by RODNEY NEEDHAM

HOLMBERG in his study of the Siriono advances certain generalizations "for futher refinement and investigation in other societies where condition of food insecurity and hunger frustration art comparable to those found among the Siriono" (pp.98.99). He makes these with some reserve because: of lack of library facilities and other reasons at the rime of writing (p. 92, fn. 7).

I wish to make an elementary test of these generalizations by comparison of the Siriono with the forest nomad Penan of the interior of northwestern Borneo. The Penan differ considerably from the Siriono in matters such as kinship organization, but they are comparable in that the defining character of the societies to which the generalizations arc thought to apply is an insecure food supply. In this feature also the Penan differ from the Siriono, for the latter plant small crops of maize, manioc, and other plants (p. 29), whereas the nomadic Penan plant no crops and rely entirely on their search for game and the wild sago palm. But Penan life is certainly characterized by food insecurity and hunger, in spite of a different economy.

Any comparison such as this is unsatisfactory until I have documented Penan life at lean as fully as Holmberg has described tbe Siriono, and this is clearly out of the question here. However, no interpretation of Penan data would, I think, quite reverse my comment on any of the hypotheses. and it is the general confirmation of them or otherwise that is initially important..

 I find myself out of sympathy with Holmberg's posing of problems in terms of primary and secondary drives. This has led to certain difficulties in making useful comments, and is partly the reason that I do not attempt any refinement of the hypotheses.

  I quote Holmberg's hypotheses in full and comment on their applicabitity to the Penan:

(1) "Such societies will be characterized by a general backwardness of culture. A concern with food problems will so dominate the society that other aspects of its culture will be little developed."

Allan R. Holmberg, Nomads of the Long Bow; the Siriono of Eastern Bolovia, Publications, Institute of Social Anthropology, Smithonian Institution, No. 10, 1950.
- Rodney Needham, 1954. Siriono and Penan: A Test of Some Hypotheses. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology. Vol. 10, No. 2 (Summer, 1954), pp. 228-232.

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