オカの危機（The Oka Crisis, Crise d'Oka）
オカの危機（The Oka Crisis, Crise d'Oka）
■オカの危機（The Oka Crisis, Crise d'Oka）について
"The Oka Crisis
(French: Crise d'Oka, Kanesatake Resistance) was a land dispute
between a group of Mohawk
people and the town of Oka, Quebec, Canada, which began on July 11,
1990, and lasted 78 days until September 26, 1990 with one fatality.
The dispute was the first well-publicized violent conflict between
First Nations and the Canadian government in the late 20th century." - Oka Crisis.
The Oka Crisis in 5 minutes
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以下はウィキペディア"Oka Crisis"からの情報
| Mohawk people first
settled in the Montreal area in 1673, moving north from their homeland
in the Hudson River valley.[13] In about 1658, the Mohawk displaced the
Wyandot people (or Hurons) native to the area, with whom the
Haudenosaunee (of which the Mohawk were a tribe) had long been in
conflict. In the fall of 1666, hundreds of French soldiers and
Algonquin and Huron allies, attacking southward from Lake Champlain,
devastated four Mohawk villages near Albany, which brought peace
between the Haudenosaunee and the French and their allies for the next
20 years.[14] Starting in the 1680s, there was a military conflict
between the English allied to the Mohawks and the French allied with
other indigenous tribes. In the early 1690s, the Mohawks were weakened
through a prolonged and severe military effort by the French. In 1673,
the Jesuit mission at Saint-François-Xavier brought about forty Mohawks
from the village of Kaghnuwage, on the Mohawk River, in present-day New
York state. In 1680, the Jesuits were granted the seigneurie
Sault-Saint-Louis, now named the village of Kahnawake, with a current
area of over 4000 hectares.[15][16][17][18] |
|
| In 1676, the Compagnie des
Prêtres de Saint-Sulpice (or the Sulpicians, or the Sulpician Fathers),
a Roman Catholic order, then based in Paris, France, founded Montreal
Island's first mission at the foot of Mount Royal to minister to the
needs of Iroquois / Mohawk, Algonquin and Huron neophytes and to
distance them from French settlers in Ville Marie.[19] In 1696, the
Sulpicians moved the mission to one on the edge of the Rivière des
Prairies, near the Sault-au-Récollet rapids, in north end Montreal
Island. In 1717, the Compagnie de Saint-Sulpice de Paris was granted a
concession (3.5 lieues of frontage, 3 lieues deep) named fr:seigneurie
du Lac-des-Deux-Montagnes.[20] In 1721, the Sulpicians moved the
Sault-au-Récollet mission to two villages on seigneurie du
Lac-des-Deux-Montagnes territory with the Algonquins and Nipissings
being assigned the village to the east and the Mohawks being assigned
the village to the west including territory known since the late 1880s
as "The Pines" (formerly "sand dunes behind the village ... part of the
Common Lands on which the Mohawks pastured their cattle")[21] and the
adjacent indigenous cemetery.[22][23] The seigneurie du
Lac-des-Deux-Montagnes was expanded through two grants, one in 1733,
consisting of small pie-shaped segment with 2 lieues of frontage to the
east of initial concession land, and, in 1735, for a larger segment
representing about 40% of the seigneurie's total area.[22][24][25] In
all three instances the land was granted provided it would be used for
the benefit of Indigenous residents.[clarification needed][26]
Following the conquest of New France in 1760, the Mohawk began
advocating for the recognition of their land rights to British
officials. Their requests to be released from the rule of the
Sulpicians and reporting of seminary officials to white settlers were
ignored.[1] The Mohawk continued pursuing their right to the land,
petitioning, and failing, to obtain the recognition of Lord Elgin's
recognition of their claims in 1851. Eight years later, the Province of
Canada extended the official title of the disputed land to the
Sulpicians.[1] |
|
| In 1868, one year after
Confederation, the chief of the Oka Mohawk people, Joseph Onasakenrat,
wrote a letter to the seminary claiming that its grant had included
about 23 km2 (9 sq mi) reserved for Mohawk use in trust of the
seminary, and that the seminary had neglected this trust by granting
themselves (the seminary) sole ownership rights.[27][28] In 1869
Onasakenrat attacked the seminary with a small armed force after having
given the missionaries eight days to hand over the land. Local
authorities ended this stand-off with force.[29][30] In 1936, the
seminary sold the territory under protest by the local Mohawk
community. At the time they still kept cattle on the common land. By
1956, the Mohawk were left to six remaining square kilometres from
their original 165.[28][30] |
|
| In 1959, the town approved the
development of a private nine-hole golf course, the Club de golf d'Oka,
on a portion of the disputed land.[28] The project area bordered The
Pines, as well as a Mohawk burial ground in use, at that time, for
nearly a century.[31] The Mohawk suit filed against the development did
not succeed. Construction also began on a parking lot and golf greens
adjacent to the Mohawk cemetery. |
|
| In 1977, the Kanesatake band
filed an official land claim with the federal Office of Native Claims
regarding the land. The claim was accepted for filing and funds were
provided for additional research of the claim. In 1986 the claim was
rejected on the basis that it failed to meet key legal criteria.[32] |
|
| In March 1989, the Club de golf
d'Oka announced plans to expand the golf course by an additional nine
holes. As the Office of Native Claims had rejected the Mohawk claim on
the land three years earlier, his office did not consult the Mohawk on
the plans. No environmental or historic preservation review was
undertaken. Protests by Mohawks and others, as well as concern from the
Quebec Minister of the Environment, led to negotiations and a
postponement of the project by the municipality in August pending a
court ruling on the development's legality. |
|
| In 1990, the court found in
favour of the developers and the mayor of Oka, Jean Ouellette,
announced that the remainder of the pines would be cleared to expand
the golf course to eighteen holes and to construct 60 condominiums. Not
all residents of Oka approved of the plans, but opponents found the
mayor's office unwilling to discuss them.[33] |
以下はウィキペディア"Oka Crisis"からの情報
| On March 11, as a
protest against the court decision to allow the golf course expansion
to proceed, some members of the Mohawk community erected a barricade
blocking access to the dirt side road between Route 344 and "The
Pines".[34] A court injunction in late April ordering the dismantling
of the barricade was ignored, as was a second order issued on June 29,
1990.[35] Mayor Ouellette demanded compliance with the court order, but
the land defenders refused. Quebec's Minister of Native Affairs John
Ciaccia wrote a letter of support for the Mohawk, stating that "these
people have seen their lands disappear without having been consulted or
compensated, and that, in my opinion, is unfair and unjust, especially
over a golf course.[3] |
|
| On July 11, the mayor asked the
Sûreté du Québec (SQ), Quebec's provincial police force, to intervene
with the Mohawk protest, citing alleged criminal activity at the
barricade. The Mohawk people, in accordance with the Constitution of
the Iroquois Confederacy, asked the women, the caretakers of the land
and "progenitors of the nation", whether or not the arsenal which the
Mohawk Warrior Society had amassed should remain. |
|
| The SQ deployed their Emergency
Response Team (ERT), a police tactical unit, which responded to the
barricade by deploying tear gas canisters and concussion
grenades[36][23] in an attempt to force the Mohawk to disperse. In
response, gunfire ensued from both sides,[36] and after a 15-minute gun
battle the police fell back, abandoning six cruisers and a bulldozer.
Although an initial account reported that 31-year-old SQ Corporal
Marcel Lemay had been shot in the face during the firefight,[37] a
later inquest determined that the bullet which struck and eventually
killed him struck his "left side below the armpit, an area not covered
by [his] bullet-proof vest".[4] |
|
| Before the raid, there were
approximately 30 armed Mohawk in and around the barricade; following
the gun battle, this number grew to 60–70 and would later swell to
600.[2] The Mohawks seized six vehicles, including four police cars,
and commandeered the front-end loader to crush the vehicles and use
them to form a new barricade across Route 344.[37] |
|
| The Mohawk established a network
for communications among the Mohawk villages/reserves of Akwesasne,
Kanesatake and Kahnawake, using hand-held radios, cellular phones, air
raid sirens and fire hall bells, as well as local radio stations, and
human patrols.[23] The situation escalated as the local Mohawk were
joined by Natives from across Canada and the United States. Despite
pressure to do so, their barricade was not dismantled.[23] The SQ
established their own blockades on Highway 344 to restrict access to
Oka and Kanesatake.[34] Another group of Mohawk at the nearby reserve
of Kahnawake, in solidarity with Kanesatake, blockaded the Mercier
Bridge at the point where it passed through their territory, thereby
sealing off a major access point between the Island of Montreal and
Montreal's densely populated South Shore suburbs.[34][38] |
|
| The blocking of the Mercier
Bridge resulted in sometimes violent confrontations between the Mohawk
and non-Indigenous commuters. On August 28, as Mohawk elders, women and
children attempted to leave the Bridge following a negotiated deal
between the Mohawk and police officials, members of the LaSalle
community threw rocks at their vehicles.[39] Mohawk elder Joe
Armstrong, 71, was struck in the chest by a large rock, and suffered a
fatal heart attack the following day.[40] At the peak of the crisis,
the Mercier Bridge and routes 132, 138 and 207 were all blocked,
creating substantial disruption to traffic. |
|
| Anger grew among local residents
as the crisis dragged on. A group of frustrated Châteauguay residents
started building an unauthorized, unplanned roadway circumventing the
Kahnawake reserve. Long after the crisis, this unfinished roadway was
eventually incorporated into Quebec Autoroute 30. |
|
| Frustration over traffic
congestion and diversion due to the bridge and road blocks were
occasionally expressed publicly. Residents of Châteauguay burned an
effigy of a Mohawk warrior while chanting "sauvages" (savages).[3]
Radio host Gilles Proulx raised tensions with comments such as the
Mohawks "couldn't even speak French". These remarks inflamed tempers
that had been running especially high from comments preceding this
crisis, including those by Ricardo Lopez, the federal Member of
Parliament for Châteauguay, who denigrated the Mohawk.[41] |
|
| On August 8, Quebec premier
Robert Bourassa announced at a press conference that in accord with
Section 275 of the National Defence Act, he was requesting military
support in "aid of the civil power". Prime Minister Brian Mulroney was
reluctant to have the federal government and, in particular, the
Canadian Forces, so involved. Under the act, however, the Solicitor
General of Quebec, under direction from the Premier of Quebec, had the
right to requisition the armed forces to maintain law and order as a
provincial responsibility; this action had precedent. Two decades
earlier during the October Crisis, Bourassa had requested and received
military aid. |
|
| Around this time the SQ
apparently lost control of the situation, and the Royal Canadian
Mounted Police (RCMP) were deployed on August 14. They were prohibited
from using force and were soon overwhelmed by riots catalyzed by
Mohawks and mobs resulting from the blocked traffic. This resulted in
ten constables being hospitalized for their injuries.[5][better source
needed] |
|
| General John de Chastelain,
Chief of the Defence Staff, placed Quebec-based troops in support of
the provincial authorities; some 2,500 regular and reserve troops from
the 34 and 35 Canadian Brigade Groups and 5 Canadian Mechanized Brigade
Group were put on notice. On August 20, a company of the Royal 22e
Régiment, led by Major Alain Tremblay, took over three barricades and
arrived at the final blockade leading to the disputed area. There, they
reduced the stretch of no man's land, originally implemented by the
Sûreté du Québec before the barricade at the Pines, from 1.5 kilometres
to 5 metres. Additional troops and mechanized equipment mobilized at
staging areas around Montreal, while reconnaissance aircraft flew air
photo missions over Mohawk territory to gather intelligence. Despite
high tensions between the two sides, no shots were exchanged. |
以下はウィキペディア"Oka Crisis"からの情報
| On August 29, the
Mohawks at the Mercier Bridge negotiated an end to their protest
blockade with Lieutenant-Colonel Robin Gagnon, the "Van Doo" commander
who had been responsible for the south shore of the St. Lawrence River
during the crisis. This stand-down eventually contributed to the
resolution of the original siege on the Kahnawake reserve, and on
September 26 the Mohawks there dismantled and burned some of their
weapons. During the surrender, as the military began arresting land
defenders and some began to flee, 14-year-old Waneek Horn-Miller was
stabbed near the heart by a Canadian bayonet, and nearly died.[42][28] |
|
| Mohawks at Oka felt betrayed at
the loss of their most effective bargaining chip in the Mercier Bridge:
once traffic began flowing again, the Quebec government rejected
further negotiations pursuant to their original dispute concerning the
Oka golf course expansion.[42] September 25 witnessed the final
engagement of the crisis: a Mohawk warrior walked around the perimeter
of the blockade area with a long stick, setting off flares that had
been originally installed by the Canadian Forces to alert them to
individuals fleeing the area. The soldiers turned a water hose on this
man, but it lacked enough pressure to disperse the crowd surrounding
him. This crowd taunted the soldiers and began throwing water balloons
at them, but the incident did not escalate further.[43] |
|
| Among those charged and
convicted for their participation was Ronaldo Casalpro (who used the
alias Ronald "Lasagna" Cross during the conflict). Casalpro was beaten
by Sûreté du Québec officers after his arrest, and while three were
suspended without pay, the case took so long to process that they had
already left the force.[44] Two SQ officers were suspended and
investigated for allegedly beating Casalpro while in captivity, but
were not subsequently charged.[44] Cross served a six-year sentence for
assault and weapons charges related to his role in the crisis and died
of a heart attack in November 1999.[44] Casalpro's brother, Tracy
Cross, later served as the best man at the wedding of slain SQ Corporal
Lemay's sister, Francine, who had reconciled with the community after
reading At the Woods' Edge, a history of Kanesatake.[45] |
|
| The golf course expansion that
had originally triggered the crisis was cancelled and the land under
dispute was purchased from the developers by the federal government for
$5.3 million.[1] The municipality initially refused to sell the land
until Mohawk barricades were dismantled, but acquiesced when the
government threatened to expropriate the land without compensation.[46]
The Oka Crisis motivated the development of a national First Nations
Policing Policy to try to prevent future incidents, and brought Native
issues into the forefront in Canada.[43] In 1991, Ouellette was
re-elected mayor of Oka by acclamation. He later said of the crisis
that his responsibilities as mayor required him to act as he did.[47] |
|
| In media |
|
| The
Oka Crisis was extensively
documented and inspired numerous books and films. Canadian filmmaker
Alanis Obomsawin has made documentaries about the Oka Crisis, including
Kanehsatake: 270 Years of Resistance (1993) and Rocks at Whiskey Trench
(2000). These and two additional documentaries on the crisis were all
produced by the National Film Board of Canada: Christine Welsh directed
Keepers of the Fire (1994), which documents the role of Mohawk women
during the crisis, and Alec MacLeod created Acts of Defiance
(1993).[33]Montreal Gazette journalist Albert Nerenberg switched
careers after smuggling a video camera behind the barricades and making
his first documentary, called Okanada.[48]
Gerald R. Alfred, a Kahnawake Mohawk who was part of the band council
during the crisis, and who later became a professor of political
science, wrote Heeding the Voices of Our Ancestors: Kahnawake Mohawk
Politics and the Rise of Native Nationalism (1995). This was based on
his PhD dissertation, which examined the issues.
John Ciaccia, the Minister of Native Affairs for Quebec at the time,
wrote a book about the events related to the Oka Crisis. His book,
titled The Oka Crisis, A Mirror of the Soul, was published in 2000.
Harry Swain, then the federal deputy minister of Indian Affairs and
Northern Development, wrote "Oka: a Political Crisis and its Legacy,"
in 2010.
Robin Philpot wrote a book about English Canada's use of the crisis as
a political tool following the failed Meech Lake Accord: Oka: dernier
alibi du Canada anglais (1991).
Anarchist author and activist Peter Gelderloos said that the Oka Crisis
should serve as a model for activists to get what they want for four
reasons.[49]
"It succeeded in seizing space.
It spread ideas of indigenous sovereignty and inspired many others in
North America to fight back.
It did not have elite support.
The golf course expansion on their lands was defeated, and the conflict
came to a dignified conclusion for the Mohawk."
The 2020 film Beans, which won the Canadian Screen Award for Best
Motion Picture, portrays the incident through the eyes of a young
Mohawk girl. Tracey Deer, who lived through the crisis when she was
twelve years old, directed and co-wrote the film.[50] |
|
| In art |
|
| Joseph
Tehawehron David, a Mohawk artist who became known for his role as a
warrior during the Oka Crisis in 1990, developed a body of artistic
work that was deeply influenced by his experience "behind the wire" in
1990. |
|
| In popular culture |
|
| In
the 1999 film The Insider, Al Pacino's character Lowell Bergman says
"Everybody thinks Canadian Mounties ride horses and rescue ladies from
rapids. Mike, they backed locals in Oka in a fight with Mohawks over
building a golf course on their burial site, they beat up protestors at
Kanesatake". The Canadian punk rock band Propagandhi wrote a song
titled "Oka Everywhere", which was released in 1995 on a 10-inch split
album with I Spy. It was later re-released on their 1998 compilation
album Where Quantity Is Job Number 1. |
|
| https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oka_Crisis |
***
オカの危機に立ち向かい、先住民に対する王立委員会 に参加した、ジェームズ・タリー教授（James Tully, 1946- ） から学ぶこと。
１）先住民から学び、自己を変容させること、
２）自らの理解がつねに不完全であることを自覚する こと、
３）誤った議論の誘導に気づいた時には、再びやり直 す勇気をもつこと。
****
そこから導かれる、太田（2017:21）の文化人 類学と先住民の倫理的な関係
１）文化人類学が、自らの理論のみで他者を完全に掌 握できるという確信を疑うこと、
２）コロニアリズムの歴史を自ら背負うこと、また、 それに自覚的になること、
３）自己を他者に対して開くこと。
が、相対（あいたい）の倫理の最初のレッスンとな
る。
アラスデア・マッキンタイア『美徳
なき時代』：我々は、自分の家族、自分の属するコミュニティ、自分の民族、国家の過去の経験から、さまざまな負債や、遺産、責任受け継いでる。それが私の
人生に与えられたものであり、私の道徳の出発点になる。社会は、そのような負債（等）を受け継いでいない人たちから構成されるのではない。
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