メリトクラシーの神話
The
Meritocracy Myth and Thinking about Deschooling
society
「能力主義(メリトクラシー)」という言葉は、英国
の社会学者マイケル・ヤングが一九五八年に著した『メリトクラシーの法則』(伊藤慎一訳、至誠堂新書、1965年)で初めて使われた。本書でヤングは、人
々が人間の知能計測の標準化を求め
すぎるあまり、生まれつき優れた才能や能力に恵まれた人々を無視してしまう一方、テストの成績が良い人々の性格的弱点を見してしまう状況を描いた。しかし
その後、この言葉は、誰であれ、天与の知性や勤勉さ、向上心、勇気といった素質を活かすこと
で自らの長所を発揮することができる社会、あるいは、個人の能力や努力に応じて金銭的報酬が得られる社会といった肯定的な表
現として使われるようになった。Stephen J. McNamee and Robert K. Miller, Jr., The
Meritocracy Myth (Lanham, MD:
Rowman & Littlefield, 2009).——ロバート・ライシュ『最後の資本主義』雨宮寛・今井章子訳、p. 119. 東洋経済新聞社、2016年
旧クレジット:イヴァン・イリイチ「なぜ学校を廃止
しなければならないのか?」
イヴァン・イリッチによる、 Why We Must Disestablish School なぜ学校を廃止しなければならないか 01-illichi_deschoolingJAP.pdf
パラグラフ(垂水源之介方式) |
頁 |
コンテンツコメント |
英語テキスト |
1 |
13 |
・生徒たち(とりわけ貧困の生徒たち)
は、学校の(社会統制と言う)機能をすでに見抜いている(→パウロ・フレイレ、ポール・ウィリス「労働を学ぶ」) ・専門家の横暴(エリック・ホッファー) ・キーワードとしての学校化(schooled) ・脱線(Schooled (TV series) - Wikipedia) ・端的にいえば、「従属の儀礼」になれっこになり、「学習すること」と「教えられる こと」を混同する。 ・ミッシェル・フーコーの『監視と処罰:監獄の誕生』の後半は、公教育の話:「従順な 身体」 ・健康や教育は、大いなる閉じ込め(=フーコーの17世紀)の世界へのモードに入る。 |
Why We Must
Disestablish School +++ Many students, especially those who are poor, intuitively know what the schools do for them. They school them to confuse process and substance. Once these become blurred, a new logic is assumed: the more treatment there is, the better are the results; or, escalation leads to success. The pupil is thereby "schooled" to confuse teaching with learning, grade advancement with education, a diploma with competence, and fluency with the ability to say something new. His imagination is "schooled" to accept service in place of value. Medical treatment is mistaken for health care, social work for the improvement of community life, police protection for safety, military poise for national security, the rat race for productive work. Health, learning, dignity, independence, and creative endeavor are defined as little more than the performance of the institutions which claim to serve these ends, and their improvement is made to depend on allocating more resources to the management of hospitals, schools, and other agencies in question. |
2 |
14 |
・人間の価値の制度化は、1)環境汚染、
2)社会の分極化、3)心理的不能化を引き起こす ・このあたりの説明は、「負のトリクルダウン」的な説明かな(池田) ・テクノクラートにコントロールされることに危惧 |
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3 |
15 |
・脱学校化は、公教育にとってプラスにな
る。 |
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4 |
・脱学校のためのテーゼを示すのがこの章 の課題である | ||
5 |
15-16 |
・脱学校化は必須課題 |
|
6 |
・誕生、臨終と死は、自宅ではなく、施設
であるトレンド(→生命の管理化) |
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7 |
16 |
・消費生活への取り込みあるいは巻き込み ・貧困者の定義は、メキシコでは3年間の学校教育を受けなかったもので、ニューヨークでは12年間という感じで。 |
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8 |
17 |
・貧困者はいつでも無力だが、それがい
ま、無教育と関連づけられている ・地域有力者とのネポティズム関係が、貧困者からの収奪に反映。 |
|
9 |
17 |
・貧困(になること)は、近代化され、
「構造化」されている。後者の用語は池田。 |
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10 |
17-18 |
・ |
|
11 |
18 |
・アメリカの貧困者のユニークな位置。 |
|
12 |
18-19 |
・ウィリアム・ダグラス=制度を確立した
かったら、財政支出することだ ・他方、制度により人々が苦しんでいるのなら(=学校化)、その支出をやめることだ。 |
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13 |
19 |
・貧困の格差拡大問題 |
|
14 |
19-20 |
・なぜ貧しい人への財政支出による改善が
失敗したのか? 1)絶対的な予算不足 2)不適切な使途 3)教育上の不利益は、学校教育だけでは解決できぬ |
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15 |
上掲の、1)について |
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16 |
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17 |
上掲の、2)について |
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18 |
21 |
・教育上の予算を切り詰められても、中産
階級が失うものはない |
|
19 |
23 |
・教育の質を同じにしても、貧困家庭のと
裕福な家庭の子供あいだの差が埋められない(→教育効率の悪さが、貧困者に対しては悪循環している)。 |
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20 |
22 |
・貧困の近代化が、途上国でダメージをう
けている(→貧困の文化) |
|
21 |
23 |
・古典的貧困は、克服された。 ・中南米は、ロストウのテイクオフ後であり、今後(1970年代以降)「貧困の近代化」が加速と予言?ーーはたしてそうか? |
|
22 |
23-24 |
・カストロはキューバは大学を解体すると
言ってるが、そのようにはならないだろう(これは当たっている) ・キューバの教育目標は、ラテンアメリカのそれと軌を一にしている |
|
23 |
24-25 |
・北米の貧困と教育の関係と、ラテンアメ
リカとのそれらの違い ・ただし、両方とも、就学の義務化で、貧困が「平等性」を獲得することはない。 |
|
24 |
25 |
・学校以外の社会領域にも「教育」のチャ
ンスがあるのに、学校の制度は、それ以外に「教育」が学べないと思い込んでいる。 |
|
25 |
25 |
・北米では、教育への投資コストは増大傾
向にある。これは医療費と同様だが、医師と教師によるケアの効果パフォーマンスは低下傾向にある。 |
|
26 |
26 |
・アメリカの教育投資熱に対して、イリイ
チはひらすら意味がないことを主張s |
|
27 |
26-27 |
・教育に対する投資は、高等になればなる
ほど、コストが増大する(=貧困者の家族が子供を学校にやれない) |
|
28 |
27 |
・就学の義務化は、社会の分極化を推し進める(これはとてもヘテロドックスな主張
だが、同時に、あらゆる人が考える必要のあること!) ・就学の義務化による、国別に等級の不平等分布が確立する ・国民総生産と、就学の義務化年齢が関連づけられるから(?) |
Obligatory
schooling inevitably polarizes a society; it also grades the nations of
the world
according to an international caste system. Countries are rated like
castes whose
educational dignity is determined by the average years of schooling of
its citizens, a
rating which is closely related to per capita gross national product,
and much more
painful. |
29 |
27 |
・学校のへの支出化の増大、一国でも世界
的にも、「学校のもつ破壊性」を増大させる【学校についての逆説】 ・物質的な生産の増大をとめよ(無関係な主張?) ・健康・教育・福祉の悪化は、義務的ならびに競争的に消費することから生じる(=一種の、存在悪説) |
The paradox of the
schools is evident: increased expenditure escalates their
destructiveness at home and abroad. This paradox must be made a public
issue. It is now
generally accepted that the physical environment will soon be destroyed
by biochemical
pollution unless we reverse current trends in the production of
physical goods. It should
also be recognized that social and personal life is threatened equally
by HEW pollution,
the inevitable by-product of obligatory and competitive consumption of
welfare. |
30 |
28 |
・教育の拡充は、軍拡の拡充ほど危険(→
このような主張は極論暴論ではあるが、ポルポトのような方向へはいっていない) ・教育の拡充は、より高度な教育への渇望や投資を産んでしまう(こと の構造的問題点をイリイチは主張する) |
The escalation of
the schools is as destmctive as the escalation of weapons but less
visibly so. Everywhere in the world school costs have risen faster than
enrollments and
faster than the GNP; everywhere expenditures on school fall even
further behind the
expectations of parents, teachers, and pupils. Everywhere this
situation discourages both
the motivation and the financing for large-scale planning for
nonschooled learning. The
United States is proving to the world that no country can be rich
enough to afford a
school system that meets the demands this same system creates simply by
existing,
because a successful school system schools parents and pupils to the
supreme value of a
larger school system, the cost of which increases disproportionately as
higher grades are
in demand and become scarce. |
31 |
・学校教育は無駄であるばかりでなく、財
政的な負担が増し、政治制度への不信感をうむ。 ・ニクソンは、社会的に不満分子への精神病のチェックをしようと真面目に考える。彼の政権の犯罪者(予備軍)収容所は、米国にある学校制度の論理的展開そ のものである。 |
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32 |
29 |
・教育の機会均等と、就学義務を混同して
はならない。(→学際科目の単位の必修化と、学際科目の自由な選択とアクセスの敷居を低くすることは異なる、と似ている)。 ・たしかに必修化=義務化は、数の増大という尺度基準で評定できるが、同時に、生徒・学生たちの「選択」の能力向上には役立たない。 |
|
33 |
・国民国家における教育制度は、植民国家
の先住民抑圧のメカニズムと同じで、メリトクラシーによる階級分化を推し進め、落ちこぼれを「矯正」し、異端者を取りしまることと、同じだ、とイリッチは
手厳しい。 |
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34 |
30 |
・アメリカが特定の宗教の独占を禁止した
ように、国民国家は、学校による教育の独占を廃止し、教育が生み出す、偏見や差別を廃止すべきだ! |
|
35 |
30 |
・就職やあらゆる社会活動への参入に対し
て、教育の有無で差別してはならない。それを法律で禁止しなければならない(→教育キャリアがもつ、スティグマ機能の停止。)※これはなかなかラディカル
な提案 |
|
36 |
30-31 |
・学習も生後も、学校教育によって増進さ
れることはない。(いわゆるディプロマ主義) |
|
37 |
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38 |
31-32 |
経歴(カリキュラム)は社会的地位の再配
分につか
われる |
Curriculum has
always been used to assign social rank. At times it could be prenatal:
karma ascribes you to a caste and lineage to the aristocracy.
Curriculum could take the
form of a ritual, of sequential sacred ordinations, or it could consist
of a succession of
feats in war or hunting, or further advancement could be made to depend
on a series of
previous princely favors. Universal schooling was meant to detach role
assignment from
personal life history: it was meant to give everybody an equal chance
to any office. Even
now many people wrongly believe that school ensures the dependence of
public trust on
relevant learning achievements. However, instead of equalizing chances,
the school
system has monopolized their distribution. |
39 |
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40 |
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41 |
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42 |
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43 |
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44 |
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45 |
35 |
・現在、学校は、教育予算のうち多くを占
めている。技能教育は現在金持ちのためにある。 |
|
46 |
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47 |
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48 |
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49 |
37 |
・技能教師不足 |
|
50 |
38 |
・スキル学習の機会をつくって、市場を広
げよう |
|
51 |
・スキル学習だけの教育は、教育のメイン
ストリームからは嫌われる。 |
Free and competing
drill instruction is a subversive blasphemy to the orthodox educator.
It dissociates the acquisition of skills from "humane" education, which
schools package
together, and thus it promotes unlicensed learning no less than
unlicensed teaching for
unpredictable purposes. |
|
52 |
38-39 |
There is currently
a proposal on record which seems at first to make a great deal of
sense.
It has been prepared by Christopher Jencks of the Center for the Study
of Public Policy
and is sponsored by the Office of Economic Opportunity. It proposes to
put educational
"entitlements" or tuition grants into the hands of parents and students
for expenditure in
the schools of their choice. Such individual entitlements could indeed
be an important
step in the right direction. We need a guarantee of the right of .each
citizen to an equal
share of tax-derived educational resources, the right to verify this
share, and the right to
sue for it if denied. It is one form of a guarantee against regressive
taxation. |
|
53 |
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54 |
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55 |
40 |
・スキル学習と脱学校化 |
The deschooling of
society implies a recognition of the two-faced nature of learning. An
insistence on skill drill alone could be a disaster; equal emphasis
must be placed on other
kinds of learning. But if schools are the wrong places for learning a
skill, they are even
worse places for getting an education. School does both tasks badly,
partly because it
does not distinguish between them. School is inefficient in skill
instruction especially
because it is curricular. In most schools a program which is meant to
improve one skill is
chained always to another irrelevant task. History is tied to
advancement in math, and
class attendance to the right to use the playground. |
56 |
・義務ではない環境のもとでの学習がリベ
ラル教育 |
Schools are even
less efficient in the arrangement of the circumstances which encourage
the open-ended, exploratory use of acquired skills, for which I will
reserve the term "liberal education." The main reason for this is that
school is obligatory and becomes
schooling for schooling's sake: an enforced stay in the company of
teachers, which pays
off in the doubtful privilege of more such company. Just as skill
instruction must be freed
from curricular restraints, so must liberal education be dissociated
from obligatory
attendance. Both skill-learning and education for inventive and
creative behavior can be
aided by institutional arrangement, but they are of a different,
frequently opposed nature. |
|
57 |
・教育は、インストラクションの結果生じ
るが、インストラクションはドリル学習にのみは達成できない。 |
Most skills can be
acquired and improved by drills, because skill implies the mastery of
definable and predictable behavior. Skill instruction can rely,
therefore, on the simulation
of circumstances in which the skill will be used. Education in the
exploratory and
creative use of skills, however, cannot rely on drills. Education can
be the outcome of
instruction, though instruction of a kind fundamentally opposed to
drill. It relies on the
relationship between partners who already have some of the keys which
give access to
memories stored in and by the community. It relies on the critical
intent of all those who
use memories creatively. It relies on the surprise of the unexpected
question which opens
new doors for the inquirer and his partner. |
|
58 |
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59 |
42 |
学校は恐怖心の源泉 |
Matching partners
for educational purposes initially seems more difficult to imagine than
finding skill instructors and partners for a game. One reason is the
deep fear which school
has implanted in us, a fear which makes us censorious. The unlicensed
exchange of
skills-even undesirable skills-is more predictable and therefore seems
less dangerous than
the unlimited opportunity for meeting amorig people who share an issue
which for them,
at the moment, is socially, intellectually, and emotionally important. |
60 |
・パウロ・フレイレ:田舎の人は、一番最
初に判読した言葉が政治的意味=含意があれば、よく覚えるようになる。 |
The Brazilian
teacher Paulo Freire knows this from experience. He discovered that any
adult can begin to read in a matter of forty hours if the first words
he deciphers are
charged with political meaning. Freire trains his teachers to move into
a village and to
discover the words which designate current important issues, such as
the access to a well
or the compound interest on the debts owed to the patron. In the
evening the villagers
meet for the discussion of these key words. They begin to realize that
each word stays on
the blackboard even after its sound has faded. The letters continue to
unlock reality and to
make it manageable as a problem. I have frequently witnessed how
discussants grow in
social awareness and how they are impelled to take political action as
fast as they learn to
read. They seem to take reality into their hands as they write it down. |
|
61 |
・民衆の側に立つこと。 |
I remember the man
who complained about the weight of pencils: they were difficult to
handle because they did not weigh as much as a shovel; and I remember
another who on
his way to work stopped with his Companions and wrote the word they
were discussing
with his hoe on the ground: "agua." Since 1962 my friend Freire has
moved from exile to exile, mainly because he refuses to conduct his
sessions around words which are
preselected by approved educators, rather than those which his
discussants bring to the
class. |
|
62 |
・学習には仲間が必要。 |
...... Creative,
exploratory learning requires peers cunently puzzled about the same
terms or problems.
Large universities make the futile attempt to match them by multiplying
their courses,
and they generally fail since they are bound to curriculum, course
structure, and
bureaucratic administration. In schools, including universities, most
resources are spent
to purchase the time and motivation of a limited number of people to
take up
predetermined problems in a ritually defined setting. The most radical
alternative to
school would be a network or service which gave each man the same
opportunity to share
his cunent concern with others motivated by the same concern. |
|
63 |
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64 |
45 |
Matching people
according to their interest in a particular title is radically simple.
It
permits identification only on the basis of a mutual desire to discuss
a statement recorded
by a third person, and it leaves the initiative of arranging the
meeting to the individual.
Three objections are usually raised against this skeletal purity. I
take them up not only to
clarify the theory that I want to illustrate by my proposal for they
highlight the deepseated
resistance to deschooling education, to separating learning from social
control but
also because they may help to suggest existing resources which are not
now used for
learning purposes. |
|
65 |
・第一の反論 |
The first
objection is: Why cannot self-identification be based also on an idea
or an.
issue? Certainly such subjective terms could also be used in a computer
system. Political
parties, churches, unions, clubs, neighborhood centers, and
professional societies already
organize their educational activities in this way and in effect they
act as schools. They all
match people in order to explore certain "themes"; and these are dealt
with in courses,
seminars, and curricula in which presumed "common interests" are
prepackaged. Such
theme-matching is by definition teacher-centered: it requires an
authoritarian presence to
define for the participants the starting point for their discussion. |
|
66 |
46 |
・教材(書物)とテーマの関連付け |
By contrast,
matching by the title of a book, film, etc., in its pure form leaves it
to the
author to define the special language, the terms, and the framework
within which a given
problem or fact is stated; and it enables those who accept this
starting point to identify
themselves to one another. For instance, matching people around the
idea of "cultural
revolution" usually leads either to confusion or to demagoguery. On the
other hand,
matching those interested in helping each other understand a specific
article by Mao,
Marcuse, Freud, or Goodman stands in the great tradition of liberal
learning from Plato's
Dialogues, which are built around presumed statements by Socrates, to
Aquinas's
commentaries on Peter the Lombard. The idea of matching by title is
thus radically
different from the theory on which the "Great Books" clubs, for
example, were built:
instead of relying on the selection by some Chicago professors, any two
partners can
choose any book for further analysis. |
67 |
第二の反論 |
||
68 |
第三の反論 |
||
69 |
・コーヒーショップでの会話(サロン教
育) |
At a first meeting
in a coffee shop, say, the paiiners might establish their identities by
placing the book under discussion next to their cups. People who took
the initiative to
arrange for such meetings would soon learn what items to quote to meet
the people they
sought. The risk that the self-chosen discussion with one or several
strangers might lead
to a loss of time, disappointment, or even unpleasantness is certainly
smaller than the
same risk taken by a college applicant. A computer arranged meeting to
discuss an article
in a national magazine, held in a coffee shop off Fourth A venue, would
obligate none of
the participants to stay in the company of his new acquaintances for
longer than it took to drink a cup of coffee, nor would he have to meet
any of them ever again. The chance that
it would help to pierce the opaqueness of life in a modern city and
further new friendship,
self-chosen work, and critical reading is high. (The fact that a record
of personal readings
and meetings could be obtained thus by the FBI is undeniable; that this
should still wo1Ty
anybody in 1970 is only amusing to a free man, who willy-nilly
contributes his share in
order to drown snoopers in the irrelevancies they gather.) |
|
70 |
・学校教育にかわり、偶発的で非形式的な
教育を! |
Both the exchange
of skills and matching of pa11ners are based on the assumption that
education for all means education by all. Not the draft into a
specialized institution but
only the mobilization of the whole. population can lead to popular
culture. The equal right
of each man to exercise his competence to learn and to instruct is now
pre-empted by
certified teachers. The teachers' competence, in turn, is restricted to
what may be done in
school. And, further, work and leisure are alienated from each other as
a result: the
spectator and the worker alike are supposed to a1Tive at the work place
all ready to fit into
a routine prepared for them. Adaptation in the form of a product's
design, instruction, and
publicity shapes them for their role as much as formal education by
schooling. A radical
alternative to a schooled society requires not only new formal
mechanisms for the formal
acquisition of skills and their educational use. A deschooled society
implies a new
approach to incidental or informal education. |
|
71 |
・だがそれは昔に戻ることではない。 |
Incidental
education cannot any longer return to the forms which learning took in
the
village or the medieval town. Traditional society was more like a set
of concentric circles
of meaningful structures, while modern man must learn how to find
meaning in many
structures to which he is only marginally related. In the village,
language and architecture
and work and religion and family customs were consistent with one
another, mutually
explanatory and reinforcing. To grow into one implied a growth into the
others. Even
specialized apprenticeship was a by-product of specialized activities,
such as shoemaking
or the singing of psalms. If an apprentice never became a master or a
scholar, he still
contributed to making shoes or to making church services solemrt.
Education did not
compete for time with either work or leisure. Almost all education was
complex, lifelong,
and unplanned. |
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72 |
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73 |
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74 |
51 |
・参加の概念の浮上(→「参加の概念」) ・マルクスはゴータ要綱批判のなかで、児 童労働の禁止に反対した、その理由は、参加にあるという。 |
I recently spoke
to a group of junior-high-school students in the process of organizing
a
resistance movement to their obligatory draft into the next class.
Their slogan was
"participation not simulation." They were disappointed that this was
understood as a
demand for less rather than for more education, and reminded me of the
resistance which
Karl Marx put up against a passage in the Gotha program which-one
hundred years ago
wanted to outlaw child labor. He opposed the proposal in the interest
of the education of
the young, which could happen only at work. If the greatest fruit of
man's labor should be
the education he receives from it and the opportunity which work gives
him to initiate the
education of others, then the alienation of modem society in a
pedagogical sense is even
worse than its economic alienation. |
75 |
51-52 |
・シカゴの黒人の友人は、この社会が、学
校化されていることを認識 |
El mayor obstáculo en el camino de una sociedad que educa verdaderamente lo definió muy bien un amigo mío , negro de Chicago, quien me dijo que nuestra imaginación estaba "totalmente escuelada". Permitimos al Estado verificar las deficiencias educativas universales de sus ciudadanos y establecer un organismo especializado para u-atarlos. Compartimos así la ilusión de que poden1os distinguir entre qué es educación necesaria para otros y qué no lo es, tal como generaciones anteriores establecieron leyes que definían qué era sagrado y qué profano.(イリッチ著作集2巻本、メキシコ、Siglo XXI, p.212) |
76 |
52 |
宗教における聖俗二元論(デュルケー
ム);教育も「学術/教育的」か「そうでないもの」の二元論。 |
Durkheim reconoció
que esta capacidad para dividir la realidad social
en dos ámbitos era la esencia misma de la religión formal. Existen -
razonó-
religiones sin lo sobrenatural y religiones sin Dios, pero no hay
ninguna
que no subdivida el mundo en cosas, tiempo y personas que son sagradas
y en otras que por consecuencia son profanas. Este penetrante alcance
de Durkheim puede aplicarse a la sociología de la educación, pues la
escuela es
radicalmente divisoria de manera parecida. *** La existencia misma de las escuelas obligatorias divide cualquier sociedad en dos ámbitos: ciertos lapsos, procesos, tratamientos y profesiones son "académicos" y "pedagógicos", y otros no lo son. Así, el poder de la escuela para dividir la realidad social no conoce límites: la educación se ha ce no terrenal, en tanto que el mundo se hace no educacional. |
77 |
52-53 |
ボンフェッファー他:「聖書の予言と制度
化された宗教の混同」 ・社会の脱学校化は意味がある |
A partir de
Bonhoeffer; los teólogos contemporáneos han señalado la
confusión que reina hoy en día entre el mensaje bíblico y la religión
institucionalizada.
Señalan la experiencia que la libertad y la fe cristianas suelen
ganar con la secularización. Sus afirmaciones suenan inevitablemente
blasfemas para muchos clérigos. En incuestionable que el proceso
educativo
ganará con la desescolatización de la sociedad aun cuando esta
exigencia
les suene a muchos escolares como una traición a la cultura. Pero es la
cultura misma la que está siendo apagada hoy en las
escuelas.(イリッチ著作集2巻本、メキシコ、Siglo XXI, p.213) |
78 |
53 |
・脱学校の担い手は、学校制度で育った人
たちであり、脱学校化の責務がある。 |
La secularización
de la fe cristiana depende de la dedicación que pon gan
en ello los cristianos arraigados en la Iglesia. De manera muy
parecida,
la desescolarización de la educación depende del liderazgo de quienes
se
criaron en las escuelas. El currículum que cumplieron no puede
servirles
como excusa para la tarea: cada uno de nosotros sigue siendo
responsable
de lo que se ha hecho por él, aun cuando puede que no sea capaz sino de
aceptar esta responsabilidad y servir de advertencia para otros. |
● 脱学校の社会 DESCHOOLING
SOCIETY by
IVAN ILLICH(→「大学教育の存在意義について考える」)
++++++
1. Why We Must Disestablish School なぜ学校を廃止しなければならないか
2. Phenomenology of School 学校の現象学
3. Ritualization of Progress 進歩の儀礼化
3.0.
3.1 The Myth of Institutionalized Values
3.2 The Myth of Measurement of Values
3.3 The Myth of Packaging Values
3.4 The Myth of Self-Perpetuating Progress
3.5 Ritual Game and the New World Religion
3.6 The Coming Kingdom: The Universalization of Expectations
3.7 The New Alienation
3.8 The Revolutionary
Potential of Deschooling
4. Institutional Spectrum 制度的スペクトラム
4.0
4.1 False Public
Utilities
5. Irrational
Consistencies 不条理な一貫性
-- This chapter was
presented originally at a meeting of
the American Educational Research Association, in New York City,
February 6, 1971.
6.Learning Webs 学習するネットワーク
4.0
4.1 An Objection: Who Can Be Served by Bridges to Nowhere?
4.2 General Characteristics of New Formal Educational Institutions
4.3 Four Networks
1. Reference Services to Educational Objects-which facilitate access to things or processes used for formal learning. Some of these things can be reserved for this purpose, stored in libraries, rental agencies, laboratories, and showrooms like museums and theaters; others can be in daily use in factories, airports, or on farms, but made available to students as apprentices or on off hours.
2. Skill Exchanges--which permit persons to list their skills, the conditions under which they are willing to serve as models for others who want to learn these skills, and the addresses at which they can be reached.
3. Peer-Matching--a communications network which permits persons to describe the learning activity in which they wish to engage, in the hope of finding a partner for the inquiry.
4. Reference Services
to Educators-at-Large--who can be listed in a directory giving the
addresses and self-descriptions of professionals, paraprofessionals,
and free-lancers,
along with conditions of access to their services. Such educators, as
we will see, could be
chosen by polling or consulting their former clients.
4.4 Reference Services to Educational Objects
4.5 Skill Exchanges
4.6 Peer-Matching
4.7 Professional
Educators
7. Rebirth of Epimethean Man エピメテウス人間の再生
+++++++++++++++++++++++++
■ 脱学校の社会 DESCHOOLING
SOCIETY by
IVAN ILLICH(→「大学教育の存在意義について考える」)
クレジット:池田光穂「新任教員研修プログラム計画
書(2019年後期)」「教育の存在意義について考える(Rethinking about Deschooling
society)」2019年10月18日(金)1030-1200. 03-19mikeda191018.pdf
with password
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