はじめによんでください

Zombi

Felicia Felix-Mentor as a Haitian Zombie from Zora Neale Hurston's "Tell My Horse: Voodoo and Life in Haiti and Jamaica," 1938

Mitzub'ixi Qu'q Ch'ij

Un zombi (en plural zombis,1​ del criollo haitiano zonbi) se refiere en términos generales a un ente que, de una u otra manera, puede resucitar o volver a la vida. El concepto de zombi encuentra sus orígenes en una figura legendaria propia del culto vudú haitiano. Se trata de un muerto resucitado por medios mágicos por un hechicero para convertirlo en su esclavo. De acuerdo con la creencia, un houngan, bokor o hechicero vudú, sería capaz, mediante un ritual, de resucitar a un muerto, que quedaría, sin embargo, sometido en adelante a la voluntad de la persona que le devuelve la vida. También, según una creencia popular, se dice que una persona que es mordida por un zombi, se convierte en uno de ellos.

Un zombi (en plural zombis,1​ del criollo haitiano zonbi)2​ se refiere en términos generales a un ente que, de una u otra manera, puede resucitar o volver a la vida. El concepto de zombi encuentra sus orígenes en una figura legendaria propia del culto vudú haitiano. Se trata de un muerto resucitado por medios mágicos por un hechicero para convertirlo en su esclavo. De acuerdo con la creencia, un houngan, bokor o hechicero vudú, sería capaz, mediante un ritual, de resucitar a un muerto, que quedaría, sin embargo, sometido en adelante a la voluntad de la persona que le devuelve la vida. También, según una creencia popular, se dice que una persona que es mordida por un zombi, se convierte en uno de ellos.3​	ゾンビ（複数形 zombis、ハイチ・クレオール語のzonbiに由来）2とは、一般的に、何らかの方法で復活したり、生き返ったりすることができる存在を指す。ゾンビ の概念は、ハイチのブードゥー教の伝説上の人物に起源を持つ。魔術師によって魔法のように生き返らせられ、奴隷にされた死者のことだ。その信仰によると、 ホウガン、ボコール、またはブードゥー教の魔術師は、儀式によって死者を復活させることができる。また、俗信によれば、ゾンビに噛まれた人はゾンビになる と言われている3。
Etimología Se han propuesto diferentes palabras y raíces de las cuales el término «zombi», como derivado del criollo haitiano zonbi, pudo haber surgido.4​ Hans-W. Ackermann y Jeanine Gauthier han recabado algunas, proponiendo que es más factible que, debido a la relación racial, lingüística y cultural, de Haití con África, el término haya derivado de lenguas africanas.5​	語源 ハイチ・クレオール語のzonbiに由来する「ゾンビ」という言葉の語源については、さまざまな単語や語源が提案されている4。Ackermannと Jeanine Gauthierは、ハイチの人種的、言語的、文化的なアフリカとの関係から、この用語はアフリカの言語から派生した可能性が高いと提唱している5。
Orígenes del zombi Disfraces de zombi en la Plaza de los Vosgos. Etnólogos e historiadores han llegado a la conclusión de que el zombi haitiano, en su génesis, está íntimamente relacionado con la esclavitud y la opresión dentro de Haití.5​6​ En 1697 se dio la primera aparición significativa del concepto y la palabra zombi, dentro de la novela autobiográfica de Pierre-Corneille de Blessebois, Le Zombi du Grand Pérou, ou La comtesse de Cocagne.7​ Dentro de la novela la figura del zombi resulta muy ambigua y se refiere principalmente a una entidad incorpórea.7​ También en el siglo xix, el visitador y ministro residente en Haití Spenser St. John contaba a sus amistades británicas cuentos de canibalismo y vudú que incluían la ingesta de infantes y la exhumación de cadáveres como parte de ciertos rituales.8​ La relación entre el esclavo y la figura del zombi ha sido anotada por varios estudiosos del tema;5​6​9​10​ generalmente se comparan características como los hábitos de comida, la ropa rasgada, la transición hacia la esclavitud marcada por el bautismo o la asignación de un nuevo nombre, la pérdida de toda relación con el ser que se era antes de la esclavitud, la muerte social, ausencia de un rito funeral luego de la muerte y su estatus sociológico de objeto.7​ La figura del zombi en Haití también pudo haber surgido como receptáculo o representación del miedo que causaban la esclavitud y sus consecuencias dentro de la isla,7​11​ incluso se le ha relacionado, en su origen, con el mesmerismo.12​ Se ha argumentado también que el concepto de zombi proliferó (sobre todo a principios del siglo xx, y principalmente en Norteamérica), gracias al contexto de explotación y denigración en Haití, debido a que productos culturales como el libro The Magic Island (1929) de William Seabrook o la película The White Zombie (1932) de Victor Halperin pudieron haber ayudado a justificar (en la opinión pública norteamericana) la intervención política y militar de los Estados Unidos de América (entre 1915 y 1934) en una isla considerada “barbárica”.13​ Es importante mencionar también que el concepto de zombi en Haití está fuertemente anclado a la creencia del alma dual, y esta forma de concebir el alma ya estaba presente (con diversos matices) dentro de algunas religiones africanas (en Benín, Camerún, Ghana, Nigeria, Togo, Tanzania, y Zaire, por ejemplo).14​15​ Por lo tanto es importante, a la hora de discutir los orígenes del concepto de zombi', tener en cuenta la significativa relación que guarda la religión vudú con algunas de las religiones africanas.5​ A través de la literatura y los diarios de viajero, la figura del zombi pasó a ser parte de la cultura popular mundial, pero se puede decir que “desde sus primeras apariciones en la literatura, la palabra zombi ya estaba relacionada con el luto, la muerte y la esclavitud".7​	ゾンビの起源 ヴォージュ広場でのゾンビのコスチューム。 民族学者や歴史家は、ハイチのゾンビの起源は、ハイチ国内の奴隷制度や抑圧と密接に関係していると結論づけている56。 この概念とゾンビという言葉が最初に登場したのは1697年、ピエール＝コルネイユ・ド・ブルセボワの自伝的小説『Le Zombi du Grand Pérou, ou La comtesse de Cocagne』である7。 また19世紀には、ハイチを訪れた牧師スペンサー・セント・ジョンが、イギリスの友人たちにカニバリズムやブードゥー教の話をしている。 56910食習慣、破れた衣服、洗礼や新しい名前の割り当てによる奴隷への移行、奴隷になる前の自己との関係の喪失、社会的な死、死後の葬儀の欠如、対象物としての社会学的地位などの特徴が一般的に比較されている7。 ハイチにおけるゾンビの姿もまた、奴隷制度とその結果による恐怖を島内で表現するものとして生まれたのかもしれない711。 ウィリアム・シーブルックの著書『魔法の島』（1929年）やヴィクター・ハルペリンの映画『白いゾンビ』（1932年）といった文化的作品が、（北米世 論において）「野蛮」とみなされた島へのアメリカ合衆国の政治的・軍事的介入（1915年から1934年の間）を正当化するのに役立ったからである13。 また、ハイチにおけるゾンビの概念は、二重の魂への信仰に強く結びついており、このような魂の考え方は、アフリカのいくつかの宗教（例えば、ベナン、カメ ルーン、ガーナ、ナイジェリア、トーゴ、タンザニア、ザイール）に（様々なニュアンスで）すでに存在していた1415。したがって、ゾンビの概念の起源を 論じるとき、ブードゥー教とアフリカのいくつかの宗教との重要な関係を念頭に置くことが重要である5。 文学や旅行者の日記を通して、ゾンビの姿は世界の大衆文化の一部となったが、「文学に登場した初期から、ゾンビという言葉はすでに喪、死、奴隷制と結びついていた」と言える7。
Los tipos de zombis El alma dual Hombre disfrazado de zombi. Dentro de la religión vudú, está presente el concepto de alma dual que se encuentra íntimamente ligado con la figura del zombi.5​ Existen por lo menos dos tipos de alma según esta tradición: el Gros Bon Ange (gran buen ángel) y el Ti Bon Ange (pequeño buen ángel). El primero es un concepto espiritual al que se le atribuye la memoria, los sentimientos y la personalidad de la persona.5​ Esta alma está en relación directa con el cuerpo. Algunos estudiosos consideran que, dentro de la religión vudú, perder el Gros Bon Ange equivale a perder la vida.16​ El segundo tipo de alma, el Ti Bon Ange, está ligado al cerebro, a la sangre, a la cabeza y a la conciencia del hombre.16​ Representa, por un lado, al zombi (zombi incorpóreo) y por otro, su ausencia, o robo (por parte del hechicero o bokor) explican, dentro del imaginario haitiano, la condición de zombi de una persona (zombi corpóreo).5​16​ A pesar de las discusiones acerca de las características y función que ambos tipos de alma tienen, se ha llegado a aceptar generalmente que es el Ti bon Ange el que está directamente relacionado con lo que los creyentes llaman el proceso de zombificación.16​17​18​ Esta división del alma en la religión vudú es importante para entender el concepto de zombi, particularmente en lo relativo al Ti Bon Ange, pues es a partir de esa forma de alma que se desenvuelven los dos tipos de zombi que han sido estudiados a partir de testimonios: el zombi corpóreo y el incorpóreo, o como algunos estudiosos los han llamado: “el cuerpo sin alma” y el “alma sin cuerpo”.5​ Está bien documentado que no hay una división tajante entre ambos tipos de zombis dentro del pensamiento mágico en Haití; se puede observar que, dentro de los relatos recogidos por etnólogos, la distinción entre un zombi y otro no es clara ni definitiva, pues los relatos pueden describir por ejemplo, a un zombi que camina por la calle, que ha salido de su tumba, o uno que habita una vasija para ser vendido después y brindar protección, pero ambos, por ejemplo, dentro del imaginario haitiano, pueden funcionar como servidumbre doméstica.16​ Zombi, alma sin cuerpo De una manera semejante a la figura del espíritu familiar en el folclore europeo, el zombi como espíritu o presencia (zombi incorpóreo) se encuentra en la tradición oral de Haití principalmente en el periodo prerrevolucionario.7​ En términos generales, se puede afirmar que, dentro de la tradición oral haitiana, la palabra zombi también se puede adjudicar a una entidad espiritual, específicamente al Ti bon Ange.16​17​19​ El Ti bon Ange, una forma de alma del humano según la tradición vudú, sería capturado por el hechicero (Bokor) de diversas formas y para distintos propósitos: existen testimonios que afirman que el Ti Bon Ange es capturado (antes o después de la muerte) y depositado en un cántaro (canari).10​16​20​ Poseer el Ti Bon Ange de una persona resulta muy valioso, pues el hechicero puede venderlo o rentarlo, de la misma forma que ocurriría con los zombis de carne y hueso.16​ Se dice que, una vez que el bokor posee el alma de alguien ya nadie la puede tomar.16​ Puede ocurrir también que se pague a un bokor y este ponga polvos especiales en el camino por el que la víctima vuelve del trabajo, al pisar estos polvos (wangas), el alma (Ti Bon Ange) de la víctima es robada.5​10​ Se han recolectado relatos que afirman que una costurera, por ejemplo, puede "disponer de un zombi que va en busca de clientes y los atrae como un imán, [o bien], un estudiante que tiene dificultades en la escuela puede recibir de sus padres un zombi que entonces será alojado en la punta de su pluma para ayudarlo en los exámenes".16​ Un zombi incorpóreo, dentro de la tradición oral haitiana, puede también usarse para asesinar a alguien, hacer que alguien caiga enfermo o para destruir cosechas.21​22​ Zombi, cuerpo sin alma Este tipo de zombi (corpóreo) responde al paradigma de una criatura que, en términos generales, es regresada de la muerte por el hechicero, a través de distintos medios, y para diversos propósitos.5​16​23​ Desde la tradición oral haitiana se dice, por ejemplo, que una vez enterrada la persona en cuestión, esta es exhumada y llamada tres veces por su nombre por parte del hechicero.16​18​ Otros relatos recolectados afirman que el alma (Ti Bon Ange) es robada antes de que la víctima muera.16​17​ De la misma forma, se habla de individuos que no mueren, sino que son inducidos a una muerte aparente (un letargo) a través del envenenamiento y posteriormente son enterrados vivos y sacados de sus tumbas. El envenenamiento puede ir acompañado del robo del Ti Bon Ange, lo cual significaría que "el zombi es realmente un individuo con el alma incompleta".24​ Existen también versiones en las cuales, la forma de zombificación radica en que el hechicero aspira el alma de la víctima a través de una grieta en la puerta de su casa, para luego traspasarla a una botella o cántaro; la persona entonces cae enferma, muere y es enterrada. Posteriormente, el hechicero pide permiso al cuidador del cementerio para extraer al cuerpo y así poner debajo de su nariz la botella con el alma de la víctima, mientras le administra una droga especial.23​ Se dice además que una vez resucitado el cuerpo no puede ingerir alimentos con sal, pues volvería a la normalidad.16​ A través de la cultura popular se ha diseminado la creencia de que aquella persona convertida en zombi era usada para ciertos tipos de trabajos forzados, ya sea en plantaciones o como sirviente doméstico.Nota 1​ A pesar de que estas ideas existen verdaderamente en el imaginario haitiano, y que han pasado, a través de la cultura de masas, al mundo entero, no hay evidencia de que tales fenómenos ocurren en la realidad.5​6​25​26​	ゾンビの種類 二重の魂 ゾンビに変装した人間 ブードゥー教では、二重の魂の概念はゾンビの姿と密接に結びついている5。 この魂は肉体と直接関係している。ヴードゥー教では、グロ・ボン・アンジュを失うことは命を失うことに等しいと考える学者もいる16。 第二の魂のタイプであるティ・ボン・アンジュは、人間の脳、血液、頭、意識と結びついている16。 それは一方ではゾンビ（実体のないゾンビ）を表し、他方ではその不在や（魔術師やボコールによる）盗用によって、ハイチの想像の中では、人のゾンビ状態 （身体的ゾンビ）を説明する516。両方のタイプの魂が持つ特徴や機能についての議論にもかかわらず、信者がゾンビ化の過程と呼ぶものに直接関係するのは ティ・ボン・アンジュであると一般的に受け入れられるようになった161718。 ブードゥー教におけるこの魂の区分は、ゾンビの概念、特にティ・ボン・アンジュに関連するものを理解する上で重要である。なぜなら、この魂の形態から、証 言から研究されてきた2つのタイプのゾンビが展開されるからである：肉体のあるゾンビと肉体のないゾンビ、あるいは一部の学者は「魂のない肉体」と「肉体 のない魂」と呼んでいる5。 民俗学者が収集した証言では、ゾンビとゾンビの区別は明確でも決定的でもない。例えば、墓場から出てきたゾンビが通りを歩いているとか、後で保護するため に壺に住み着いたゾンビが売られているとか書かれているが、ハイチ人の想像の中では、どちらも家庭内奴隷として機能している16。 ゾンビ、実体のない魂 一般的に言えば、ハイチの口承伝承の中では、ゾンビという言葉は霊的な存在、特にティ・ボン・アンジュ（Ti bon Ange）に帰属させることもできると言える16。 1719 ブードゥー教の伝統によれば、人間の魂の一形態であるティ・ボン・アンジュは、魔術師（ボコー）によってさまざまな方法や目的で捕獲される。ティ・ボン・ アンジュは（生前または死後に）捕獲され、水差し（カナリ）に入れられるという証言がある101620 人のティ・ボン・アンジュを所有することは非常に価値があり、魔術師は生身のゾンビと同じように、それを売ったり貸したりすることができる16。 一度ボコーが誰かの魂を所有すると、誰もそれを奪うことはできないと言われている16。 また、ボコルが報酬を得て、被害者が仕事から帰る途中の道に特別な粉を置き、その粉（ワンガ）を踏むことによって、被害者の魂（ティ・ボン・アンジュ）が 盗まれるということもある5。 10 例えば、裁縫師が「客を探しに行き、磁石のように引き寄せるゾンビを処分することができる」とか、「学校で困っている生徒が両親からゾンビをもらい、ペン の先に刺して試験に役立てることができる」という証言が集められている。 ハイチの口承伝承では、実体のないゾンビは、誰かを暗殺したり、病気にさせたり、農作物を荒らしたりするために使われることもある2122。 ゾンビ、魂のない身体 このタイプのゾンビ（有体物）は、一般的に言えば、魔術師が様々な手段で、様々な目的のために死から蘇らせる生き物のパラダイムに対応している 51623。ハイチの口承伝承では、例えば、問題の人物が埋葬された後、掘り起こされ、魔術師によって3回名前を呼ばれると言われている1618 他の収集された証言では、犠牲者が死ぬ前に魂（Ti Bon Ange）が盗まれると言われている1617。 同様に、死なないが、毒によって見かけ上の死（嗜眠状態）に誘導され、その後生き埋めにされ、墓から連れ去られたという証言もある。毒殺はティ・ボン・アンジュの盗難を伴っている可能性があり、これは「ゾンビは本当は不完全な魂を持つ個人である」ことを意味する24。 ゾンビ化の形態として、魔術師が被害者の魂を家のドアの隙間から吸い込み、瓶や水差しに移すというバージョンもある。その後、呪術師は墓地の管理人に許可 を求め、死体を運び出し、被害者の魂が入った瓶を鼻の下に置き、特別な薬を投与する23。また、一度復活した死体は元に戻ってしまうため、塩漬けの食べ物 を食べることはできないと言われている16。 大衆文化では、ゾンビにされた人はプランテーションや家事使用人として、ある種の強制労働に使われたという考えが広まっている1。こうした考えはハイチ人 の想像力の中に存在し、大衆文化を通じて広く世界に伝わっているが、現実にそのような現象が起きているという証拠はない562526。
Investigaciones Zora Neale Hurston. En 1937 la folclorista estadounidense Zora Neale Hurston conoció en Haití el caso de Felicia Félix-Mentor, fallecida y enterrada en 1907 y a quien, sin embargo, muchos lugareños aseguraban haber visto viva treinta años después convertida en zombi.27​ Hurston se interesó por rumores que afirmaban que los zombis existían realmente aunque no eran muertos vivientes sino personas sometidas a drogas psicoactivas que les privaban de voluntad. Sin embargo, no pudo encontrar datos que fueran más allá del mero rumor.27​ Varias décadas más tarde, en 1982, el antropólogo y etnobotánico canadiense Wade Davis viajó a Haití para estudiar lo que pudiera haber de verdad en la leyenda de los zombis y llegó a la conclusión —publicada en dos libros: The Serpent and the Rainbow (1985) y Passage of Darkness: The Ethnobiology of the Haitian Zombie (1988)— de que se podía convertir a alguien en zombi mediante el uso de dos sustancias en polvo. Con la primera, llamada coup de poudre (en francés, literalmente, «golpe de polvo», 'golpe de pólvora', un juego de palabras con coup de foudre, que significa «golpe de rayo» y también «flechazo» amoroso), se induciría a la víctima a un estado de muerte aparente. Sus parientes y amigos la darían por muerta y la enterrarían, y poco después sería desenterrada y revivida por el hechicero. En ese momento entrarían en acción los segundos polvos, una sustancia psicoactiva capaz de anular la voluntad de la víctima.24​ El ingrediente principal de la primera sustancia, el coup de poudre, sería la tetrodotoxina (TTX), una toxina que se encuentra en el pez globo, que habita las costas del Japón y el Mar Caribe, con actividad paralizante de la placa motriz neuromuscular, como el curare que se usa en anestesia. La TTX, administrada en una dosis semiletal (LD50 de 1 mg), es capaz de crear un estado de muerte aparente durante varios días, en los cuales el sujeto sigue consciente a pesar de todo. Otras fuentes hablan del uso del estramonio o datura, que en Haití se llama concombre zombi, esto es, «pepino zombi». Según la creencia popular, la ingestión de sal liberaría al zombi de los efectos de la droga.24​ Davis popularizó también la historia de Clairvius Narcisse, un hombre que aseguraba haber sido víctima de esta práctica y haber vivido como esclavo zombi en una plantación durante dos años.24​ Las publicaciones del antropólogo Wade Davis atrajeron la atención de los estudiosos del tema debido a la amplia difusión de su libro The Serpent and the Rainbow que fue además base para la película homónima de Wes Craven en 1988; sin embargo, sus teorías han sido ampliamente refutadas por varios investigadores:28​29​ se afirma por ejemplo, que los efectos que son supuestamente provocados por la zombificación pueden explicarse completamente a partir de la amnesia, la esquizofrenia y otros trastornos mentales.25​ También se dijo que los ejemplos proporcionados por Davis “contenían ingredientes confusos, o cuyo efecto era incierto o nulo”.5​ Además, solo dos de los ocho tipos de polvo presentados por Davis en sus estudios contenían pequeñas (y aparentemente inofensivas) cantidades de tetrodotoxina.28​30​ Se alega igualmente que el hecho de que Davis haya pasado tan poco tiempo en Haití, su desconocimiento de la lengua criolla, los pocos conocimientos que parecía tener sobre la religión y la historia del lugar, además de la manera ficcionalizada en que presenta algunas de sus publicaciones, da como resultado que sus investigaciones sean “poco profundas y crédulas”.6​ Por otra parte, es falso que el código penal haitiano prohíba expresamente el uso de sustancias susceptibles de provocar la zombificación, meme o idea falsa que en ocasiones se cita como demostración de la existencia real de estas prácticas. Usualmente se cita el artículo 246 del Código Penal haitiano que hace referencia al envenenamiento o al uso de enervantes para privar de la vida a una persona y, si bien no se hace ninguna referencia al término zombi, sí se específica que, cuando una persona, después ser envenenada, es enterrada viva, se considerará como asesinato.Nota 2​31​	研究 ゾラ・ニール・ハーストン 1937年、アメリカの民俗学者ゾラ・ニール・ハーストンは、1907年に死亡し埋葬されたが、30年後にゾンビとして生きているのを見たという地元の人 々が多いフェリシア・フェリックス＝メントールの事件をハイチで知った27。しかし、彼は単なる噂を超えるデータを見つけることができなかった27。 数十年後の1982年、カナダの人類学者で民族植物学者のウェイド・デイヴィスは、ゾンビ伝説の真偽を調べるためにハイチを訪れ、2冊の本（『蛇と虹』 （1985年）と『闇の航路：ハイチゾンビの民族生物学』（1988年））で発表された結論に達した。ひとつは、クー・ド・プードル（フランス語で、文字 通り「クー・ド・プードル」、クー・ド・フードルの語呂合わせで、「落雷」「愛の一撃」を意味する）と呼ばれるもので、被害者を見かけ上の死に追いやる。 彼女の親族や友人は彼女を見殺しにして埋葬し、ほどなくして彼女は掘り起こされ、魔術師によって蘇生される。この時点で、被害者の意思を無効化できる精神 作用物質である第二の粉が登場する24。 最初の物質、クー・ド・プードルの主成分はテトロドトキシン（TTX）で、日本やカリブ海沿岸に生息するフグから発見された毒素で、麻酔に使われるクラー レのように神経筋運動板を麻痺させる作用がある。TTXは半致死量（LD50は1mg）で投与され、数日間、見かけ上死んだような状態を作り出すことがで きる。ハイチではコンコンブル・ゾンビ、すなわち「ゾンビ・キュウリ」と呼ばれている。俗信によれば、塩を摂取すればゾンビは薬物の影響から解放される 24。 デイヴィスはまた、この習慣の犠牲者であり、農園でゾンビ奴隷として2年間暮らしたと主張するクレアヴィウス・ナルシセの話を広めた24。 人類学者ウェイド・デイヴィスの著書『蛇と虹』は、ウェス・クレイヴン監督による1988年の同名映画の原作にもなっており、広く出版されたことから学者 たちの注目を集めたが、彼の理論は複数の研究者によって広く反論されている2829。 さらに、デイビスの研究で提示された8種類の粉末のうち、テトロドトキシンを少量（しかも明らかに無害）含んでいたのは2種類だけであった28。 30 また、デイビスがハイチで過ごした時間が短いこと、クレオール語の知識がないこと、ハイチの宗教と歴史についてほとんど知識がないように見えること、さら に出版物の一部をフィクションのように紹介していることから、彼の研究は「浅はかで信憑性に欠ける」と主張されている6。 さらに、ハイチ刑法がゾンビ化を引き起こす可能性のある物質の使用を明確に禁じているのは誤りであり、こうした慣習が実際に存在する証拠として引用される こともあるミームや誤解である。ハイチ刑法第246条は通常、毒殺や人の生命を奪うための薬物の使用について言及しており、ゾンビという用語への言及はな いが、毒殺された後に生き埋めにされた場合、殺人とみなされると規定している注231。
Gashadokuro Ghoul Vudú Antropología La serpiente y el arco iris La noche de los muertos vivientes Droga caníbal The Walking Dead (serie de televisión)	ガシャドクロ グール ブードゥー教 人類学 蛇と虹 ナイト・オブ・ザ・リビングデッド カニバル・ドープ ウォーキング・デッド（TVシリーズ）
https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zombi

★ ゾンビと憑在学(hauntology)

☆ 人類学の対象としてハイチのゾンビについて考える。その題材は、ゾラ・ニール・ハーストンの "Tell My Horse: Voodoo and Life in Haiti and Jamaica," 1938（邦訳『ヴードゥーの神々』常田景子、筑摩書房、2021年）である。

CHAPTER 13

ZOMBIES

What is the whole truth and nothing else but the truth about Zombies? I do not know, but I know that I saw the broken remnant, relic, or refuse of Felicia Felix-Mentor in a hospital yard. Here in the shadow of the Empire State Building, death and the graveyard are final. It is such a positive end that we use it as a measure of nothingness and eternity. We have the quick and the dead. But in Haiti there is the quick, the dead, and then there are Zombies.

This is the way Zombies are spoken of: They are the bodies without souls. The living dead. Once they were dead, and after that they were called back to life again.

No one can stay in Haiti long without hearing Zombies mentioned in one way or another, and the fear of this thing and all that it means seeps over the country like a ground current of cold air. This fear is real and deep. It is more like a group of fears. For there is the outspoken fear among the peasants of the work of Zombies. Sit in the market place and pass a day with the market woman and notice how often some vendeuse cries out that a Zombie with its invisible hand has filched her money, or her goods. Or the accusation is made that a Zombie has been set upon her or some one of her family to work a piece of evil. Big Zombies who come in the night to do malice are talked about. Also the little girl Zombies who are sent out by their owners in the dark dawn to sell little packets of roasted coffee. Before sun up their cries of “Cafe grille” can be heard from dark places in the streets and one can only see them if one calls out for the seller to come with her goods. Then the little dead one makes herself visible and mounts the steps.

The upper class Haitians fear too, but they do not talk about it so openly as do the poor. But to them also it is a horrible possibility. Think of the fiendishness of the thing. It is not good for a person who has lived all his life surrounded by a degree of fastidious culture, loved to his last breath by family and friends, to contemplate the probability of his resurrected body being dragged from the vault—the best that love and means could provide, and set to toiling ceaselessly in the banana fields, working like a beast, unclothed like a beast, and like a brute crouching in some foul den in the few hours allowed for rest and food. From an educated, intelligent being to an unthinking, unknowing beast. Then there is the helplessness of the situation. Family and friends cannot rescue the victim because they do not know. They think the loved one is sleeping peacefully in his grave. They may motor past the plantation where the Zombie who was once dear to them is held captive often and again and its soulless eyes may have fallen upon them without thought or recognition. It is not to be wondered at that now and then when the rumor spreads that a Zombie has been found and recognized, that angry crowds gather and threaten violence to the persons alleged to be responsible for the crime.

Yet in spite of this obvious fear and the preparations that I found being made to safeguard the bodies of the dead against this possibility, I was told by numerous upper class Haitians that the whole thing was a myth. They pointed out that the common people were superstitious, and that the talk of Zombies had no more basis in fact than the European belief in the Werewolf.

But I had the good fortune to learn of several celebrated cases in the past and then in addition, I had the rare opportunity to see and touch an authentic case. I listened to the broken noises in its throat, and then, I did what no one else had ever done, I photographed it. If I had not experienced all of this in the strong sunlight of a hospital yard, I might have come away from Haiti interested but doubtful. But I saw this case of Felicia Felix-Mentor, which was vouched for by the highest authority. So I know that there are Zombies in Haiti. People have been called back from the dead.

Now, why have these dead folk not been allowed to remain in their graves? There are several answers to this question, according to the case.

A was awakened because somebody required his body as a beast of burden. In his natural state he could never have been hired to work with his hands, so he was made into a Zombie because they wanted his services as a laborer. B was summoned to labor also but he is reduced to the level of a beast as an act of revenge. C was the culmination of “ba’ Moun” ceremony and pledge. That is, he was given as a sacrifice to pay off a debt to a spirit for benefits received. I asked how the victims were chosen and many told me that any corpse not too old to work would do. The Bocor watched the cemetery and went back and took suitable bodies. Others said no, that the Bocor and his associates knew exactly who was going to be resurrected even before they died. They knew this because they themselves brought about the “death.”

Maybe a plantation owner has come to the Bocor to “buy” some laborers, or perhaps an enemy wants the utmost in revenge. He makes an agreement with the Bocor to do the work. After the proper ceremony, the Bocor in his most powerful and dreaded aspect mounts a horse with his face toward the horse’s tail and rides after dark to the house of the victim. There he places his lips to the crack of the door and sucks out the soul of the victim and rides off in all speed. Soon the victim falls ill, usually beginning with a headache, and in a few hours is dead. The Bocor, not being a member of the family, is naturally not invited to the funeral. But he is there in the cemetery. He has spied on everything from a distance. He is in the cemetery but does not approach the party. He never even faces it directly, but takes in everything out of the corner of his eye. At midnight he will return for his victim.

Everybody agrees that the Bocor is there at the tomb at midnight with the soul of the dead one. But some contend that he has it in a bottle all labelled. Others say no, that he has it in his bare hand. That is the only disagreement. The tomb is opened by the associates and the Bocor enters the tomb, calls the name of the victim. He must answer because the Bocor has the soul there in his hand. The dead man answers by lifting his head and the moment he does this, the Bocor passes the soul under his nose for a brief second and chains his wrists. Then he beats the victim on the head to awaken him further. Then he leads him forth and the tomb is closed again as if it never had been disturbed.

The victim is surrounded by the associates and the march to the hounfort (Voodoo temple and its surroundings) begins. He is hustled along in the middle of the crowd. Thus he is screened from prying eyes to a great degree and also in his half-waking state he is unable to orientate himself. But the victim is not carried directly to the hounfort. First he is carried past the house where he lived. This is always done. Must be. If the victim were not taken past his former house, later on he would recognize it and return. But once he is taken past, it is gone from his consciousness forever. It is as if it never existed for him. He is then taken to the hounfort and given a drop of a liquid, the formula for which is most secret. After that the victim is a Zombie. He will work ferociously and tirelessly without consciousness of his surroundings and conditions and without memory of his former state. He can never speak again, unless he is given salt. “We have examples of a man who gave salt to a demon by mistake and he come man again and can write the name of the man who gave him to the loa,” Jean Nichols told me and added that of course the family of the victim went straight to a Bocor and “gave” the man who had “given” their son.

Now this “Ba Moun” (give man) ceremony is a thing much talked about in Haiti. It is the old European belief in selling one’s self to the devil but with Haitian variations. In Europe the man gives himself at the end of a certain period. Over in Haiti he gives others and only gives himself when no more acceptable victims can be found. But he cannot give strangers. It must be a real sacrifice. He must give members of his own family or most intimate friends. Each year the sacrifice must be renewed and there is no avoiding the payments. There are tales of men giving every member of the family, even his wife after nieces, nephews, sons and daughters were gone. Then at last he must go himself. There are lurid tales of the last days of men who have gained wealth and power thru “give man.”

The wife of one man found him sitting apart from the family weeping. When she demanded to know the trouble, he told her that he had been called to go, but she was not to worry because he had put everything in order. He was crying because he had loved her very much and it was hard to leave her. She pointed out that he was not sick and of course it was ridiculous for him to talk of death. Then with his head in her lap he told her about the “services” he had made to obtain the advantages he had had in order to surround her with increasing comforts. Finally she was the only person left that he could offer but he would gladly die himself rather than offer her as a sacrifice. He told her of watching the day of the vow come and go while his heart grew heavier with every passing hour. The second night of the contract lapsed and he heard the beasts stirring in their little box. The third night which was the one just past, a huge and a terrible beast had emerged in the room. If he could go to the Bocor that same day with a victim, he still could go another year at least. But he had no one to offer except his wife and he had no desire to live without her. He took an affectionate farewell of her, shut himself in his own room and continued to weep. Two days later he was dead.

Another man received the summons late one night. Bosu Tricorne, the terrible three-horned god, had appeared in his room and made him know that he must go. Bosu Tricorne bore a summons from Baron Cimiterre, the lord of the cemetery. He sprang from his bed in terror and woke up his family by his fear noises. He had to be restrained from hurling himself out of the window. And all the time he was shouting of the things he had done to gain success. Naming the people he had given. The family in great embarrassment dragged him away from the window and tried to confine him in a room where his shouts could not be heard by the neighbors. That failing, they sent him off to a private room in a hospital where he spent two days confessing before he died. There are many, many tales like that in the mouths of the people.

There is the story of one man of great courage who, coming to the end of his sacrifices, feeling that he had received what he bargained for, went two days ahead and gave himself up to the spirit to die. But the spirit so admired his courage that he gave him back all of the years he had bargained to take.

Why do men allegedly make such bargains with the spirits who have such terrible power to reward and punish?

When a man is ambitious and sees no way to get there, he becomes desperate. When he has nothing and wants prosperity he goes to a houngan and says, “I have nothing and I am disposed to do anything to have money.”

The houngan replies, “He who does not search, does not find.”

“I have come to you because I wish to search,” the man replies.

“Well, then,” the houngan says, “we are going to make a ceremony, and the loa are going to talk with you.”

The houngan and the man go into the hounfort. He goes to a small altar and makes the symbol with ashes and gunpowder (indicating that it is a Petro invocation), pours the libation and begins to sing with the Ascon and then asks the seeker, “What loa you want me to call for you?”

The man makes his choice. Then the houngan begins in earnest to summon the loa wanted. No one knows what he says because he is talking “langage” that is, language, a way of denoting the African patter used by all houngans for special occasions. The syllables are his very own, that is, something that cannot be taught. It must come to the priest from the loa. He calls many gods. Then the big jars under the table that contain spirits of houngans long dead begin to groan. These spirits in jars have been at the bottom of the water for a long time. The loa was not taken from their heads at death and so they did not go away from the earth but went to the bottom of the water to stay until they got tired and demanded to be taken out. All houngans have one more of these spirit jars in the hounfort. Some have many. The groaning of the jars gets louder as the houngan keeps calling. Finally one jar speaks distinctly, “Pourquoi ou derange’ moi?” (Why do you disturb me?) The houngan signals the man to answer the loa. So he states his case.

“Papa, loa, ou mem, qui connais toute baggage ou mem qui chef te de l’eau, moi duange’ on pour mande’ ou servir moi.” (Papa, loa, yourself, who knows all things, you yourself who is master of waters, I disturb you to ask you to serve me.)

The Voice: Ma connasis ca on besoin. Mais, on dispose pour servir moi aussi? (I know what you want, but are you disposed to serve me also?)

The Man: Yes, command me what you want.

Voice: I am going to give you all that you want, but you must make all things that I want. Write your name in your own blood and put the paper in the jar.

The houngan, still chanting, pricks the man’s finger so sharply that he cries out. The blood flows and the supplicant dips a pen in it and writes his name and puts the paper in the jar. The houngan opens a bottle of rum and pours some in the jar. There is the gurgling sound of drinking.

The Voice: And now I am good (I do good) for you. Now I tell you what you must do. You must give me someone that you love. Today you are going into your house and stay until tomorrow. On the eighth day you are returning here with something of the man that you are going to give me. Come also with some money in gold. The voice ceases. The houngan finishes presently, after repeating everything that the Voice from the jar has said, and dismisses the man. He goes away and returns on the day appointed and the houngan calls up the loa again.

The Voice: Are you prepared for me?

The Man: Yes.

The Voice: Have you done all that I told you?

The Man: Yes.

The Voice (to houngan): Go out. (to man) Give me the gold money.

(The man gives it.)

The Voice: Now, you belong to me and I can do with you as I wish. If I want you in the cemetery I can put you there.

The Man: Yes, I know you have all power with me. I put myself in your care because I want prosperity.

The Voice: That I will give you. Look under the table. You will find a little box. In this box there are little beasts. Take this little box and put it in your pocket. Every eighth day you must put in it five hosts (Communion wafers). Never forget to give the hosts. Now, go to your house and put the little box in a big box. Treat it as if it were your son. It is now your son. Every midnight open the box and let the beasts out. At four o’clock he will return and cry to come in and you will open for him and close the box again. And every time you give the beasts the communion, immediately after, you will receive large sums of money. Each year on this date you will come to me with another man that you wish to give me. Also you must bring the box with the beasts. If you do not come, the third night after the date, the beasts in the box will become great huge animals and execute my will upon you for your failure to keep your vow. If you are very sick on that day that the offering falls due say to your best friend that he must bring the offering box for you. Also you must send the name of the person you intend to give me as pay for working for you and he must sign a new contract with me for you.

All is finished between the Voice and the man. The houngan reenters and sends the man away with assurance that he will commence the work at once. Alone he makes ceremony to call the soul of the person who is to be sacrificed. No one would be permitted to see that. When the work in the hounfort is finished, then speeds the rider on the horse. The rider who faces backwards on the horse, who will soon place his lips to the crack of the victim’s door and draw his soul away. Then will follow the funeral and after that the midnight awakening. And the march to the hounfort for the drop of liquid that will make him a Zombie, one of the living dead.

Some maintain that a real and true priest of Voodoo, the houngan, has nothing to do with such practices. That it is the bocor and priests of the devil—worshipping cults—who do these things. But it is not always easy to tell just who is a houngan and who is a bocor. Often the two offices occupy the same man at different times. There is no doubt that some houngans hold secret ceremonies which their usual following know nothing of. It would be necessary to investigate every houngan and bocor in Haiti rigidly over a period of years to determine who was purely houngan and who was purely bocor. There is certainly some overlapping in certain cases. A well known houngan of Leogane, who has become a very wealthy man by his profession is spoken of as a bocor more often than as a houngan. There are others in the same category that I could name. Soon after I arrived in Haiti a young woman who was on friendly terms with me said, “You know, you should not go around alone picking acquaintances with these houngans. You are liable to get involved in something that is not good. You must have someone to guide you.” I laughed it off at the time, but months later I began to see what she was hinting at.

What is involved in the “give man” and making of Zombies is a question that cannot be answered anywhere with legal proof. Many names are called. Most frequently mentioned in this respect is the Man of Trou Forban. That legendary character who lives in the hole in the mountain near St. Marc. He who has enchanted caves full of coffee and sugar plantations. The entrance to this cave or this series of caves is said to be closed by a huge rock that is lifted by a glance from the master. The Marines are said to have blown up this great rock with dynamite at one time, but the next morning it was there whole and in place again. When the master of Trou Forban walks, the whole earth trembles. There are tales of the master and his wife, who is reputed to be a greater bocor than he. She does not live with him at Trou Forban. She is said to have a great hounfort of her own on the mountain called Tapion near Petit Gouave. She is such a great houngan that she is honored by Agoue’ te Royo, Maitre l’eau, and walks the waters with the same ease that others walk the earth. But she rides in boats whenever it suits her fancy. One time she took a sailboat to go up the coast near St. Marc to visit her husband, Vixama. She appeared to be an ordinary peasant woman and the captain paid her no especial attention until they arrived on the coast below Trou Forban. Then she revealed herself and expressed her great satisfaction with the voyage. She felt that the captain had been extremely kind and courteous, so she went to call her husband to come down to the sea to meet him. Realizing now who she was, the captain was afraid and made ready to sail away before she could return from the long trip up the mountain. But she had mounted to the trou very quickly and returned with Vixama to find the captain and his crew poling the boat away from the shore in the wildest terror. The wind was against them and they could not sail away. Mme. Vixama smiled at their fright and hurled two grains of corn which she held in her hand on to the deck of the boat and they immediately turned into golden coin. The captain was more afraid and hastily brushed them into the sea. They sailed south all during the night, much relieved that they had broken all connections with Vixama and his wife. But at first light the next morning he found four gold coins of the same denomination as the two that he had refused the day before. Then he knew that the woman of Vixama had passed the night on board and had given them a good voyage as well—the four gold coins were worth twenty dollars each.

There are endless tales of the feats of the occupant of this hole high up on this inaccessible mountain. But in fact it has yet to be proved that anyone has ever laid eyes on him. He is like the goddess in the volcano of Hawaii, and Vulcan in Mt. Vesuvius. It is true that men, taking advantage of the legend and the credulous nature of the people, have set up business in the mountain to their profit. The name of this Man of Trou Forban is known by few and rarely spoken by those who know it. This whispered name is Vixama, which in itself means invisible spirit. He who sits with a hive of honey-bees in his long flowing beard. It is he who is reputed to be the greatest buyer of souls. His contact man is reputed to be Mardi Progres. But we hear too much about the practice around Archahaie and other places to credit Trou Forban as the headquarters. Some much more accessible places than the mountain top is the answer. And some much more substantial being than the invisible Vixama.

If embalming were customary, it would remove the possibility of Zombies from the minds of the people. But since it is not done, many families take precautions against the body being disturbed.

Some set up a watch in the cemetery for thirty-six hours after the burial. There could be no revival after that. Some families have the bodies cut open, insuring real death. Many peasants put a knife in the right hand of the corpse and flex the arm in such a way that it will deal a blow with the knife to whoever disturbs it for the first day or so. But the most popular defense is to poison the body. Many of the doctors have especially long hypodermic needles for injecting a dose of poison into the heart, and sometimes into other parts of the body as well.

A case reported from Port du Paix proves the necessity of this. In Haiti if a person dies whose parents are still alive, the mother does not follow the body to the grave unless it is an only child. Neither does she wear mourning in the regular sense. She wears that coarse material known as “gris-blanc.” The next day after the burial, however, she goes to the grave to say her private farewell.

In the following case everything had seemed irregular. The girl’s sudden illness and quick death. Then, too, her body stayed warm. So the family was persuaded that her death was unnatural and that some further use was to be made of her body after burial. They were urged to have it secretly poisoned before it was interred. This was done and the funeral went off in routine manner.

The next day, like Mary going to the tomb of Jesus, the mother made her way to the cemetery to breathe those last syllables that mothers do over their dead, and like Mary she found the stones rolled away. The tomb was open and the body lifted out of the coffin. It had not been moved because it was so obviously poisoned. But the ghouls had not troubled themselves to rearrange things as they were.

Testimony regarding Zombies with names and dates come from all parts of Haiti. I shall cite a few without using actual names to avoid embarrassing the families of the victims.

In the year 1898 at Cap Haitian a woman had one son who was well educated but rather petted and spoiled. There was some trouble about a girl. He refused to accept responsibility and when his mother was approached by a member of the girl’s family she refused to give any sort of satisfaction. Two weeks later the boy died rather suddenly and was buried. Several Sundays later the mother went to church and after she went wandering around the town—just walking aimlessly in her grief, she found herself walking along Bord Mer. She saw some laborers loading ox carts with bags of coffee and was astonished to see her son among these silent workers who were being driven to work with ever increasing speed by the foreman. She saw her son see her without any sign of recognition. She rushed up to him screaming out his name. He regarded her without recognition and without sound. By this time the foreman tore her loose from the boy and drove her away. She went to get help, but it was a long time and when she returned she could not find him. The foreman denied that there had ever been anyone of that description around. She never saw him again, though she haunted the water front and coffee warehouses until she died.

A white Protestant missionary minister told me that he had a young man convert to his flock who was a highly intelligent fellow and a clever musician. He went to a dance and fell dead on the floor. The missionary conducted the funeral and saw the young man placed in the tomb and the tomb closed. A few weeks later another white minister of another Protestant denomination came to him and said, “I had occasion to visit the jail and who do you suppose I saw there? It was C. R.”

“But it is not possible. C. R. is dead. I saw him buried with my own eyes.”

“Well, you just go down to the prison and see for yourself. He is there, for nobody knows I saw him. After I had talked with a prisoner I went there to see, I passed along the line of cells and saw him crouching like some wild beast in one of the cells. I hurried here to tell you about it.”

The former pastor of C. R. hurried to the prison and made some excuse to visit in the cell block. And there was his late convert, just as he had been told. This happened in Port-au-Prince. Then there was the case of P., also a young man. He died and was buried. The day of the funeral passed and the mother being so stricken some friends remained overnight in the house with her and her daughter. It seems that the sister of the dead boy was more wakeful than the rest. Late in the night she heard subdued chanting, the sound of blows in the street approaching the house and looked out of the window. At the moment she did so, she heard the voice of her brother crying out: “Mama! Mama! Sauvez moi!” (Save me!) She screamed and aroused the house and others of the inside looked out and saw the procession and heard the cry. But such is the terror inspired by these ghouls, that no one, not even the mother or sister, dared go out to attempt a rescue. The procession moved on out of sight. And in the morning the young girl was found to be insane.

But the most famous Zombie case of all Haiti is the case of Marie M. It was back in October 1909 that this beautiful young daughter of a prominent family died and was buried. Everything appeared normal and people generally forgot about the beautiful girl who had died in the very bloom of her youth. Five years passed.

Then one day a group of girls from the same school which Marie had attended went for a walk with one of the Sisters who conducted the school. As they passed a house one of the girls screamed and said that she had seen Marie M. The Sister tried to convince her she was mistaken. But others had seen her too. The news swept over Port-au-Prince like wild fire. The house was surrounded, but the owner refused to let anyone enter without the proper legal steps. The father of the supposedly dead girl was urged to take out a warrant and have the house searched. This he refused to do at once. Finally he was forced to do so by the pressure of public opinion. By that time the owner had left secretly. There was no one nor nothing in the house. The sullen action of the father caused many to accuse him of complicity in the case. Some accused her uncle and others her god father. And some accused all three. The public clamored for her grave to be opened for inspection. Finally this was done. A skeleton was in the coffin but it was too long for the box. Also the clothes that the girl had been buried in were not upon the corpse. They were neatly folded beside the skeleton that had strangely outgrown its coffin.

It is said that the reason she was in the house where she was seen was that the houngan who had held her had died. His wife wanted to be rid of the Zombies that he had collected. She went to a priest about it and he told her these people must be liberated. Restitution must be made as far as possible. So the widow of the houngan had turned over Marie M. among others to this officer of the church and it was while they were wondering what steps to take in the matter that she was seen by her school mates. Later dressed in the habit of a nun she was smuggled off to France where she was seen later in a convent by her brother. It was the most notorious case in all Haiti and people still talk about it whenever Zombies are mentioned.

In the course of a conversation on November 8, 1936, Dr. Rulx Léon, Director-General of the Service d’ Hygiene, told me that a Zombie had been found on the road and was now at the hospital at Gonaives. I had his permission to make an investigation of the matter. He gave me letters to the officers of the hospital. On the following Sunday I went up to Gonaives and spent the day. The chief of staff of the hospital was very kind and helped me in every way that he could. We found the Zombie in the hospital yard. They had just set her dinner before her but she was not eating. She hovered against the fence in a sort of defensive position. The moment that she sensed our approach, she broke off a limb of a shrub and began to use it to dust and clean the ground and the fence and the table which bore her food. She huddled the cloth about her head more closely and showed every sign of fear and expectation of abuse and violence. The two doctors with me made kindly noises and tried to reassure her. She seemed to hear nothing. Just kept on trying to hide herself. The doctor uncovered her head for a moment but she promptly clapped her arms and hands over it to shut out the things she dreaded.

I said to the doctor that I had permission of Dr. Léon to take some pictures and he helped me to go about it. I took her first in the position that she assumed herself whenever left alone. That is, cringing against the wall with the cloth hiding her face and head. Then in other positions. Finally the doctor forcibly uncovered her and held her so that I could take her face. And the sight was dreadful. That blank face with the dead eyes. The eyelids were white all around the eyes as if they had been burned with acid. It was pronounced enough to come out in the picture. There was nothing that you could say to her or get from her except by looking at her, and the sight of this wreckage was too much to endure for long. We went to a more cheerful part of the hospital and sat down to talk. We discussed at great length the theories of how Zombies come to be. It was concluded that it is not a case of awakening the dead, but a matter of the semblance of death induced by some drug known to a few. Some secret probably brought from Africa and handed down from generation to generation. These men know the effect of the drug and the antidote. It is evident that it destroys that part of the brain which governs speech and will power. The victims can move and act but cannot formulate thought. The two doctors expressed their desire to gain this secret, but they realize the impossibility of doing so. These secret societies are secret. They will die before they will tell. They cited instances. I said I was willing to try. Dr. Legros said that perhaps I would find myself involved in something so terrible, something from which I could not extricate myself alive, and that I would curse the day that I had entered upon my search. Then we came back to the case in hand, and Dr. Legros and Dr. Belfong told me her story.

Her name is Felicia Felix-Mentor. She was a native of Ennery and she and her husband kept a little grocery. She had one child, a boy. In 1907 she took suddenly ill and died and was buried. There were the records to show. The years passed. The husband married again and advanced himself in life. The little boy became a man. People had forgotten all about the wife and mother who had died so long ago.

Then one day in October 1936 someone saw a naked woman on the road and reported it to the Garde d’Haiti. Then this same woman turned up on a farm and said, “This is the farm of my father. I used to live here.” The tenants tried to drive her away. Finally the boss was sent for and he came and recognized her as his sister who had died and been buried twenty-nine years before. She was in such wretched condition that the authorities were called in and she was sent to the hospital. Her husband was sent for to confirm the identification, but he refused. He was embarrassed by the matter as he was now a minor official and wanted nothing to do with the affair at all. But President Vincent and Dr. Leon were in the neighborhood at the time and he was forced to come. He did so and reluctantly made the identification of this woman as his former wife.

How did this woman, supposedly dead for twenty-nine years, come to be wandering naked on a road? Nobody will tell who knows. The secret is with some bocor dead or alive. Sometimes a missionary converts one of these bocors and he gives up all his paraphernalia to the church and frees his captives if he has any. They are not freed publicly, you understand, as that would bring down the vengeance of the community upon his head. These creatures, unable to tell anything—for almost always they have lost the power of speech forever—are found wandering about. Sometimes the bocor dies and his widow refuses their responsibility for various reasons. Then again they are set free. Neither of these happenings is common.

But Zombies are wanted for more uses besides field work. They are reputedly used as sneak thieves. The market women cry out continually that little Zombies are stealing their change and goods. Their invisible hands are believed to provide well for their owners. But I have heard of still another service performed by Zombies. It is in the story that follows:

A certain matron of Port-au-Prince had five daughters and her niece also living with her. Suddenly she began to marry them off one after the other in rapid succession. They were attractive girls but there were numerous girls who were more attractive whose parents could not find desirable husbands for. People began to marvel at the miracle. When madame was asked directly how she did it, she always answered by saying, “Filles ce’marchandies peressables” (Girls are perishable goods, it is necessary to get them off hand quickly). That told nobody anything, but they kept on wondering just the same.

Then one morning a woman well acquainted with the madame of the marrying daughters got up to go to the lazy people’s mass. This is celebrated at 4:00 A.M. and is called the lazy people’s mass because it is not necessary to dress properly to attend it. It is held mostly for the servants anyway. So people who want to go to mass and want no bother, get up and go and come back home and go to sleep again.

This woman’s clock had stopped so she guessed at the hour and got up at 2:00 A.M. instead of 3:00 A.M. and hurried to St. Anne’s to the mass. She hurried up the high steps expecting to find the service about to begin. Instead she found an empty church except for the vestibule. In the vestibule she found two little girls dressed for first communion and with lighted candles in their hands kneeling on the floor. The whole thing was too out of place and distorted and for a while the woman just stared. Then she found her tongue and asked, “What are you two little girls doing here at such an hour and why are you dressed for first communion?”

She got no answer as she asked again, “Who are you anyway? You must go home. You cannot remain here like this.”

Then one of the little figures in white turned its dead eyes on her and said, “We are here at the orders of Madame M. P., and we shall not be able to depart until all of her daughters are married.”

At this the woman screamed and fled.

It is told that before the year was out all of the girls in the family had married. But already four of them had been divorced. For it is said that nothing gotten through “give man” is permanent.

Ah Bo Bo!

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• ヴードゥーの神々 : ジャマイカ、ハイチ紀行 / ゾラ・ニール・ハーストン著 ; 常田景子訳, 東京 : 筑摩書房 , 2021.7. - (ちくま学芸文庫 ; [ハ57-1])/ Tell My Horse: Voodoo and Life in Haiti and Jamaica[pdf]. Harper Perennial , 2009
  

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